Griot

The word may derive from the French transliteration guiriot of the Portuguese word criado, which is the masculine singular term for 'servant'. Griots are more predominant in the northern portions of West Africa.^[3]

Despite the important role of the griot in African culture, it's difficult to pin down the word's origin; hence the variety of terms for griot in African languages. Griots are referred to by a number of names: ߖߋ߬ߟߌ jèli^[4] in northern Mande areas, jali in southern Mande areas, guewel in Wolof, paar or kevel or kewel or okawul in Serer,^[5][6] gawlo 𞤺𞤢𞤱𞤤𞤮 in Pulaar (Fula), iggawen in Hassaniyan,^[7] arokin in Yoruba,^{[7][failed verification]} and diari or gesere in Soninke.^[8] Some of these may derive from Arabic ‏قَول‎ qawl, 'a saying, statement'.^[7]

The Manding term ߖߋߟߌߦߊ jeliya (meaning 'musicianhood') sometimes refers to the knowledge of griots, indicating the hereditary nature of the class. Jali comes from the root word ߖߊߟߌ jali or djali ('blood'). This is also the title given to griots in regions within the former Mali Empire. Though the term griot is more common in English, some, such as poet Bakari Sumano, prefer the term jeli.^{[citation needed]}

Today, the term and spelling djali is often preferred, as noted by American poet Amiri Baraka^[9] and Congolese filmmaker Balufu Bakupa-Kanyinda.^[10][11]

Historically, Griots form an endogamous professionally specialised group or caste,^[12] meaning that most of them only marry fellow griots, and pass on the storytelling tradition down the family line. In the past, a family of griots would accompany a family of kings or emperors, who were superior in status to the griots. All kings had griots, and all griots had kings, and most villages also had their own griot. A village griot would relate stories of topics including births, deaths, marriages, battles, hunts, affairs, and other life events.^[13]

Griots have the main responsibility for keeping stories of the individual tribes and families alive in the oral tradition, with the narrative accompanied by a musical instrument. They are an essential part of many West African events such as weddings, where they sing and share family history of the bride and groom. It is also their role to settle disputes and act as mediator in case of conflicts. Respect for and familiarity with the griot meant that they could approach both parties without being attacked, and initiate peace negotiations between the hostile parties.^[14]

Francis Bebey writes about the griot in African Music, A People's Art:^[15]

The West African griot is a troubadour, the counterpart of the medieval European minstrel... The griot knows everything that is going on... He is a living archive of the people's traditions... The virtuoso talents of the griots command universal admiration. This virtuosity is the culmination of long years of study and hard work under the tuition of a teacher who is often a father or uncle. The profession is by no means a male prerogative. There are many women griots whose talents as singers and musicians are equally remarkable.

With this privilege of being a neutral mediator, griots had the freedom and expectation to criticize and keep in line those with a higher social status. Their professional authority allowed them to speak honestly in public, often addressing nobles, political leaders, and wealthy families. In a way, they were able to be a voice for the marginalize and since their role in tradition was highly respected, their critics were not overlooked. In earlier periods, the verbal power of "nyamakalw" (artisan specialists, including griots) was believed to be strong enough to elevate a patron beyond his rank or undermine a noble's position in society.^[16]

Griots have learned how to use this form of communication as a sort of social influence. They are recognized for their strategic use of language in social and political contexts. Plus, skilled griots structure their speech so that multiple meanings can be interpreted from the same message. This practice is referred to as heteroglossia, and it's a sort of controlled ambiguity that allows them to enhance their influence. ^[17] The ability to navigate competing perspectives through speech is considered a mark of mastery for both male and female griots.

Women griots, who are often referred to as griottes (Jelimusow in Mande languages), play a central role in Mande and other West African oral traditions. Similar to the men, they are typically born into hereditary griot families and trained from a young age. However, there has been a lack of research on Griottes as African Studies tended to be marked by the male point of view.^[18]

The research that exists explains how, although epic narration has often been described as a male domain, knowledge of epic traditions is not strictly limited by gender.^[18] In many performances, men usually narrate the historical framework of epics while women sing the praise songs and embody the visual aspect. Griottes are involved in community ceremonies that range from weddings, naming rituals, and public commemorations. During weddings, it is tradition that griottes dress the bride, accompany her during rituals, and sing praise songs that publicly affirm the social connection between the families. The wedding songs griottes sing, often include moral guidance and social instruction as they advise brides what is expected of them in marriage. Therefore, griottes often reaffirm existing social expectations, leading to their traditions getting passed down each generation.^[19]

Despite their limitations beyond singing and performance, some Griottes have achieved recognition as masters of verbal art. The title "ngara" (or naaraa), signifies high achievement in historical knowledge and verbal performance.^[18] While this is a term usually given to men, women have also received it as recognition that depends on skill rather than gender.

Women griots (Jelimusow) demonstrate their authority through embodied performance. Women in these African societies usually appear to be reserved or soft spoken; however, during performances, they embody a character. Their soft voices turn into loud vocal projections and expressive gestures, creating this commanding physical appearance.^[20] This transformation reflects an embodiment of caste identity and the controlled expression of "Ama," which is a form of ritual power associated with griot status. Their clothes also symbolize this transformation as griot women wear bright colors and lots of jewelry to distinguish themselves from noble women and publicly show their caste difference. ^[20]

In contemporary times, regional differences in griottes are evident. In Mali, female performers have increasingly assumed prominent public roles and often dominate commercial and international stages. However, in parts of Senegambia, men have maintained their dominance in mixed gender performances as women are often in complementary roles.^[21] Within performance partnerships, the distribution of financial rewards has sometimes reflected broader gender hierarchies.^[21]These patterns reflect broader regional social norms regarding gender and authority.

Griot traditions are passed on from generation to generation through a hereditary apprenticeship systems in which knowledge is passed on in families. Children born into jeli families are raised from an early age in verbal art, music, and genalogy.^[22] Musicianship in griot families is considered to be inherited and not learned, thus emphasizing the hereditary aspect of the griot role.

They learn through observation, repetition, and guided participation in performances instead of through a classroom approach. Musical training in Mande culture is different from that in Western conservatories as students practice short repeated passages of actual pieces of music instead of excersies or technical drills. These segments then serve as examples of larger compositions and are repeated and expanded to build technical complezity and variation.^[23] Oral transmission is not only memorization but also on interpretation and adaptation as well. Griots learn basic stories and musical structures while at the same time learning how to adapt performances to specific audiences and social contexts.

Instrumental specialization may be also hereditary and gender based within jeli families. Males are often associated with instruments such as the kora, balafon, or ngoni, while females are often restricted to vocal performance and praise singing.^[24] Access to specialized knowledge may also be shaped by patronage, such as the perception of some forms of oral history being restricted or sacred.^[23]

The Mali Empire (Malinke Empire), at its height in the middle of the 14th century, extended from central Africa (today's Chad and Niger) to West Africa (today's Mali, Burkina Faso and Senegal). The empire was founded by Sundiata Keita, whose exploits remain celebrated in Mali today. In the Epic of Sundiata, Naré Maghann Konaté offered his son Sundiata Keita a griot, Balla Fasséké, to advise him in his reign. Balla Fasséké is considered the founder of the Kouyaté line of griots that exists to this day.

Each aristocratic family of griots accompanied a higher-ranked family of warrior-kings or emperors, called jatigi. In traditional culture, no griot can be without a jatigi, and no jatigi can be without a griot. However, the jatigi can loan his griot to another jatigi.

In many Mande societies, the jeli was a historian, advisor, arbitrator, praise singer (patronage), and storyteller. They essentially served as history books, preserving ancient stories and traditions through song. Their tradition was passed down through generations. The name jeli means "blood" in Manika language. They were believed to have deep connections to spiritual, social, or political powers. Speech was believed to have power in its capacity to recreate history and relationships.

Despite the authority of griots and the perceived power of their songs, griots are not treated as positively in West Africa as may be assumed. Thomas A. Hale wrote, "Another [reason for ambivalence towards griots] is an ancient tradition that marks them as a separate people categorized all too simplistically as members of a 'caste', a term that has come under increasing attack as a distortion of the social structure in the region. In the worst case, that difference meant burial for griots in trees rather than in the ground in order to avoid polluting the earth (Conrad and Frank 1995:4-7). Although these traditions are changing, griots and people of griot heritage have historically faced social pressure to marry within their hereditary lineages to sustain this practice.^[25] Therefore, such strict social norms reinforce occupational identity and social hierarchy. ^[25] While modernization has reduced some of these constraints, stigma and marriage boundaries persist in certain communities. ^[25]

In addition to being singers and social commentators, griots are often skilled instrumentalists. Their instruments include stringed instruments like the kora, the khalam (or xalam), the ngoni, the kontigi, and the goje (or n'ko in the Mandinka language). Other instruments include the balafon, and the junjung.

The kora is a long-necked lute-like instrument with 21 strings. The xalam is a variation of the kora, and usually consists of fewer than five strings. Both have gourd bodies that act as resonator. The ngoni is also similar to these two instruments, with five or six strings. The balafon is a wooden xylophone, while the goje is a stringed instrument played with a bow, much like a fiddle.

According to the Encyclopædia Britannica: "West African plucked lutes such as the konting, khalam, and the nkoni (which was noted by Ibn Baṭṭūṭah in 1353) may have originated in ancient Egypt. The khalam is claimed to be the ancestor of the banjo. Another long-necked lute is the ramkie of South Africa."^[26]

A story about the kora, told by Malian griot Toumani Diabaté, is that the instrument was invented by one of his ancestors, and it used to have twenty-two strings. He was chasing his fiancée, who ran into a cave. The griot was right behind her, but when he came out of the cave, he had a kora. His fiancée was nowhere to be found. To commemorate her, he played the kora with twenty-two strings, and as a tribute to him when he died, one of the strings was taken off.^[27]

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  Guinea, circa 1910. A Susu griot poses with his koni (lute) behind two women.
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  Guinea, circa 1905. Two griots accompany their lord, playing their instruments to announce his presence.
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  Senegal, early 20th century. A Wolof leader and his griot. The griot is holding an xalam (lute).

Many griots today live in many parts of West Africa and are present among the Mande peoples (Mandinka or Malinké, Bambara, Bwaba, Bobo, Sosso, Dyula, Soninke etc.), Fulɓe (Fula), Hausa, Songhai, Tukulóor, Wolof, Serer,^[5][6] Mossi, Dagomba, Mauritanian Arabs,^{[citation needed]} and many other smaller groups. There are other griots who have left their home country for another such as the United States or France and still maintain their role as a griot.

Today, performing is one of the most common functions of a griot. Their range of exposure has widened, and many griots now travel internationally to sing and play the kora or other instruments.

A recent archaeological expedition in Guinea-Bissau confirmed what many griots already knew -- that there was a powerful kingdom called Kaabu encompassing modern-day Guinea-Bissau and Senegal whose reign lasted from the 16th to the 19th century.^[32]

Although there is very little information about them, it has been confirmed that female griots, or griottes, have existed and continue to exist for centuries.^[33] These women are often referred to as jelimusow, or jelimuso if you are referring to a single griotte.^[33] One such example is Kandia Kouyaté from Mali.^[34]

Bakari Sumano, head of the Association of Bamako Griots in Mali from 1994 to 2003, was an internationally known advocate for the significance of the griot in West African society.

Pape Demba "Paco" Samb, a Senegalese griot of Wolof ancestry, is based in Delaware and performs in the United States.^[35] Circa 2013, he performed in charity concerts for SOS Children's Villages in Chicago. As of 2023, Paco leads McDaniel College's Student African Drum Ensemble.^{[36][37][38][39]} His own band is titled the Super Ngewel Emsemble.^[37] Concerning the goals of modern-day griot, Paco has stated:

If you are griot, you have to follow your history and your family, because we have such a long history. You have to be traditional and share your culture. Any country you go to, you share your family with them.^[37]

A griot can provide their services as a praise singer, but they can also use their position to speak out against someone who is rich or has political clout. As a result, the once respected status of the griot has been tarnished, and they may be viewed as "parasitic and manipulative."^[40]

Malian novelist Massa Makan Diabaté was a descendant and critic of the griot tradition. He argued that griots "no longer exist" in the classic sense, but he believed the tradition could be salvaged through literature. His fiction and plays blend traditional Mandinka storytelling and idiom with Western literary forms.^[41]

Griot tradition has greatly influenced modern hip hop. The tradition of speaking a song to rhythm, for example, draws directly from griot performance style.^[42] This, combined with the griot tradition of storytelling, has led to comparisons of modern rappers to griots as "postmodern griots."^[43] Referring to rappers as "modern griots" is controversial, both among academics and rappers themselves.

Sociologist Damon Sajnani argues that the legacy of griots within west Africa - and particularly Senegal - is controversial. Rappers such as Fadda Freddy see themselves as continuing a militant tradition begun by griots, while Thiat sees griots as having been voices for the powerful rather than the voiceless.^[44] The ambivalent reception of the term "griot" for west African rappers is further supported by the work of Thomas Hale, who argues that the term itself has become positive for the African diaspora while negative for those in west Africa.^[45]

Baruti Kopano, however, argues that rap is a continuation of African oral tradition through its celebration of that tradition and expansion of explicitly Black oral traditions.^[46] This version of the griot reflects the viewpoint of the African diaspora and a reclamation of the term. Historian Frederick Gooding Jr. argues that rap is a direct continuation of the griot tradition through both its social advocacy and its direct lineage to African oral tradition.^[47]