Kabardia

Greater Kabardia

Greater Kabarda occupied a vast territory in the central part of the North Caucasus. Its lands stretched from the Kuban river and Kuma river in the north and northwest to the confluence of the Baksan and Terek rivers. To the south, the territory extended along the northern slopes of the Caucasus Mountains, from the region of Elbrus eastward to the confluence of the Terek and Malka rivers. This area included fertile plains, foothills, and important river valleys which supported agriculture, pastoralism, and trade routes connecting the steppe with the mountain regions. Within Greater Kabarda, several powerful princely clans held a dominant political position. Among the most influential were the families of the Jembulat, Hatokhshoqo, and Misost, who controlled large territories and played a central role in the political leadership of Kabardia.^[2]

Lands of Greater Kabardia, unlike other Caucasian states, laid on the flatter plains of the Caucasus, its mountainous regions on the south were covered with deep forests that reach intense cold tempatures during all seasons, making the lands unsuitable for autumn-spring grazing.^[5]

According to the documents, the lands of Greater Kabardia within the Russian Empire were divided as follows:^[5]

• Auls: 245.818 Desiatina
• Lands given as private property to the princes and Uzdens (144 Parsels): 59.550 Desiatina
• Lands reserved for Lesser & Greater Kabardian nobles: 24.000 Desiatina
• Lands reserved for the commoners: 4.000 Desiatina
• Forested (wasteland) territory: 59.666 Desiatina
• Lands for all peoples of Kabardia to use: Approx. 225.840 Desiatina

In total, Greater Kabardia owned a land of over 600.000 Desiatina.

Lesser Kabardia

Lesser Kabardia was a historical region of Kabardia ruled by Talostaney and Jilakhstaney. The region was divided by Greater Kabardia via the Terek River, Kabardians who lived on the eastern coast of Terek were called "Lesser Kabardians" and those who lived on the west were called "Greater" or "Upper Kabardians".^[6] Greater and Lesser Kabardia were divided in 1553^[7]

The territories of Lesser Kabarda now consist of modern day Tersk district in Kabardino-Balkaria, Nadterechny and Grozny districts in northeastern Chechnya, as well as parts of Ingushetia and North Ossetia.

In the 17th century, Lesser Kabardia stretched across the flatlands between the Urup and Sunzha rivers. The stanitsa of Nizhniy Naur and Sunzha served as the border in the east.^[8]

At the beginning of the 19th century, Lesser Kabardia bordered the Terek river and Greater Kabardia to the west and north, the southernmost part abutted Vladikavkaz and southeastern parts were bordering the Sunzha river.^[9] The territory of Lesser Kabardia was rich in both forests and water. The lands were sparsely populated, and the steppes were used by local residents as pastures^[10][11]

The Ossetian mountain societies and the Ingush were dependent on Lesser Kabardia, and the Karachay-Balkars were dependent on Greater Kabardia.^[2]

Circassian migrations and creation of the state

The genealogies of Kabarda's rulers trace their origins back to the legendary ruler Inal the Great. According to these genealogies, the Idar, Kazi, Shodjenuqo, Misost, Jembulat, Bekmirza, Hatokhshoqo, Jilakhstan, and Talostan families were considered his descendants. J. Kagezezhev notes that Kabarda emerged from the viceroyalty of Kabard Tambi, located between the Urup and Terek rivers.^[2] Kabardians established their states following the power vacuum created after the defeat of the Golden Horde khan Tokhtamysh by Tamerlane in the Tokhtamysh–Timur war.^[12] They migrated deep into the Central Caucasus, pushing back the Alanians, ancestors of modern Ossetians,^[13] as well as Karachay and Balkar groups,^[14] forcing them into the mountainous gorges and settling the plains, thereby forming Kabarda.^[15] Scholars differ on the timing of Circassian migration to Kabarda. S. Khotko, B. Chich, and B. Kerefov place it in the 11th–12th centuries. A. Gadlo suggests early migration in the 13th century and mass movements in the 14th–15th centuries, preceded by sporadic migrations in the 12th century. A. Smirnov, V. Vinogradov, and R. Shatum date it to the late 14th–early 15th century, while L. Lavrov and others argue for migration by the mid-13th century. I. Kalmykov suggests the second half of the 13th–early 14th century. Some historians, including R. Betrozov, A. Nagoev, and V. Kuznetsov, favor the 15th–16th centuries, citing the absence of Golden Horde numismatics and evidence from regional chronicles. Other scholars, including L. Apostolov, V. Kudashev, K. Laipanov, and I. Shamanov, date the arrival to post-14th century, after Turkish conquests of Taman. Overall, consensus places Kabardian expansion and consolidation by the 16th century, with their principality emerging by the mid-15th century. During their expansion, the Kabardians occupied lands from the upper Kuban River to the Sunzha River, encompassing both foothills and plains. They became a lingua franca in the Central Caucasus from the 16th to 18th centuries, interacting diplomatically and genealogically with neighboring groups, including the Ossetian Tsargasats and the Talostanians of Lesser Kabardia. The Balkars recognized Kabardians as "Cherkesle," and their territory as "Kabardy." A letter from the Baksan party of Kabardian princes to Elizabeth I states that during Inal's reign, Janibek ruled Crimea, placing the foundation of the Kabardian dynasty no later than the 1470s.^[2]

15th century

During the 1486 campaign in the Caucasus, the army of Sheikh Haydar devastated not only Dagestan but also regions of Central Ciscaucasia, including Kabardia, and advanced as far as the Northwestern Caucasus.^[16] The Venetian diplomat Josaphat Barbaro provided a description of the campaign based on the testimony of his informant:^[17]

A certain sect of Muslims left the Sultan's country, with the zeal of their faith calling for the death of Christians. And the further they went towards Persia, the more these swindlers increased in number; they chose the road towards the sea of Baku and came to Shemakha, and then to Derbent, and from there to Tyumen. They were partly on horseback, partly on foot, partly armed, and partly without weapons, in enormous numbers. They appeared at the river called Terek, which is in the province of Tezekiah, and near the Caspian Mountains, where there are many Catholic Christians, and in every place where they found Christians they killed everyone without distinction, women, men, children, and adults. Then they entered the countries of Gog and Magog, who are also Christians but according to the Greek rite, and did the same to them. Then they moved towards Circassia, passing towards the tribe Kippike and towards the tribe Karbatri, which are both on the side of the Great Sea, and did similar things in those places. Finally, those from the tribes Tetarkossa and Kremuk fought with them and inflicted such a crushing defeat that not twenty out of a hundred escaped, fleeing in disarray to their own country. Therefore, we can imagine the pitiful condition of the Christians who live around here.

In 1492, the Great Horde temporarily settled in the Kuma River valley, located on the northern edge of the North Caucasus. At the time, the Horde was experiencing political instability and searching for new areas where it could sustain itself. During its stay in the region, the Horde established camps and engaged in agricultural activity, cultivating crops in the surrounding plains. From this base, the Horde also carried out a military campaign against the Circassians, reflecting the continuing conflicts between steppe nomadic groups and the mountain populations of the North Caucasus.^[18] Later that same year, however, conditions in the region deteriorated. A failure of crops and other economic difficulties made it increasingly difficult for the Horde to maintain its position in the Kuma valley. As a result, the Horde moved closer to the frontier of Kabardia and entered the Pyatigorsk region, an area that served as an important transitional zone between the steppe and the mountainous territories of the Circassians. During this period of migration, several major Tatar tribal groups decided to separate from the main body of the Horde and migrate toward the Volga River, seeking more stable pastures and political security. The leadership of the Great Horde eventually followed these groups, marking the end of its temporary presence in the Kuma–Pyatigorsk region.^[19][20]

16th century

The 16th century started with a Ottoman-Crimean incursion for Eastern and Western Circassians. In 1504, Şehzade Mehmed led a expedition into Kabardia, intending to seize lands controlled by the Idareyq dynasty. Mehmed requested military support from the Crimean Khanate, but this request was rejected. The campaign ultimately failed after Mehmed was poisoned on the orders of his father, Bayezid II.^[21] the Kabardians faced another war by the Crimeans in 1518, which the Kabardians briefly won^[22] according to the Russian reports, they destroyed more than half of the Crimean army^[23]

In the 1530s, Kabardian influence expanded further toward the Caspian Sea. Beslan Jankhot of Kabardia pursued an active policy in the Lower Terek basin. According to Circassian tradition, during his reign Kabardian forces reached Astrakhan and conducted raids as far as Derbent. He concluded an alliance with the Shamkhalate of Tarki, the largest feudal domain in Dagestan, which helped secure trade routes linking Astrakhan and Derbent with Kabarda.^[24]

According to folklore, Kabardian expeditions to Astrakhan were periodic, described as occurring every nine to ten years in order to obtain textiles and other goods that were scarce in Kabarda. These campaigns reportedly yielded significant booty and strengthened the authority of the supreme prince.^[25]

In 1533, the Nogais recaptured Astrakhan and deposed the pro Kabardian khan. This marked the beginning of intensified Nogai efforts to establish dominance in the Ciscaucasia. Following the capture of Astrakhan, the Nogais organized a major campaign against Kabarda. In the spring of 1535, a large Nogai force advanced into the Ciscaucasia. The first major engagement occurred at the confluence of the Malka and Terek rivers. The Nogais pushed the Kabardian forces back, compelling them to withdraw toward the area between the Baksan and Psygansu rivers. The Nogais advanced through the region and burned abandoned settlements. Kabardian forces then conducted a series of counterattacks against dispersed Nogai detachments. The Nogais regrouped and moved toward the Psygansu River, confronting Kabardian defensive positions in the area between present day Aushiger and Kashkatau. After heavy fighting, Kabardian forces withdrew into mountainous terrain. Further engagements took place in the mountain gorges and forests, resulting in substantial casualties on both sides. Following the arrival of approximately 2,000 Abazins, Kabardian forces launched a counteroffensive. In a decisive battle near Mount Kashkatau, the Nogai army was defeated and retreated. Kabardian forces pursued the withdrawing enemy and captured prisoners. The conflict resulted in significant losses among the Kabardian nobility, including the youngest son of Idar Kidirshoko.^[26]

After Idar died, first Saramirza Tokhtamish, then Qeytuqo Beslan came to rule. after them, the great Kabardian prince Temryuk Idar started ruling Kabardia.

Upon becoming Grand Prince of Kabardia in the 1550s, Temryuk Idar faced opposition from rival Kabardian princes who sought the position for themselves.^[27] Among them was Qanshao Jilakhstenqo, who left Kabardia and allied with the Kumyks, reportedly carrying out repeated raids on Kabardian territory. According to some accounts, these raids targeted hayfields and disrupted the harvest of millet, the main crop of the Kabardians, forcing much of the population to seek refuge in the Kistin Gorge. These actions were attributed to the seizure of Qanshao’s lands by the families of Bitu and Maremshao Idar.^[28] Qanshao also persuaded the ruler of the Avar Khanate, Khadan Utsmi, to invade Kabardia. Khadan gathered allies including the Nogais and the Kumyks, assembling a large force. In response, the Kabardians called upon their Trans-Kuban allies, the Abazins under Lev Achba and the Besleneys under Yelzheruqo Qanoqo.^[29][30] Command of the Kabardian allied forces was entrusted to Prince Yelzheruqo. As the invading army crossed the Terek River, Yelzheruqo attempted negotiations before withdrawing to prepared defensive positions. Two days later, a battle began near the trenches and reportedly lasted for two days.^[29] On the third day, fighting resumed and Khadan Utsmi was killed, causing confusion among his forces. The Kabardians launched a counterattack and drove the invading army back toward the Terek River, with only a portion of the force escaping. During the battle Prince Koshkao, described as one of the instigators of the campaign, was also killed. The battle later became known as Kishzhibek.^[31]

In 1556, while Dmytro Vyshnevetsky was fighting against the Tatars and had captured the city of Islam-Kerman, the Kabardian princes Tazdrup and Dozibok, together with their forces, captured the cities of Temryuk and Taman on the orders of Ivan IV.^[32] There, Temryuk Idar built a fortress and named it after himself; this place is still called Temryuk to this day.^[33] Temryuk, who noticed the increasing military support from the Ottomans to the Tatars and feared this would affect the Circassians' ability to thwart any possible assault. Temryuk explored the possible allies, and settled his choice on the Tsarist Russia. In 1557, Temryuk sent a delegation to Moscow to seek alliance with the Russians. The delegation included his sons Sultankul and Bulat Gery, who were welcomed by Ivan the Terrible. Ivan agreed to join the alliance with Kabardia.^[34] In 1561, the wedding of Temryuk Idar's daughter, Maria, to Tsar Ivan Terrible strengthened these ties and secured support from the Russian state.^[35]

In 1562, the Kabardian prince Temryuk Idar undertook an aggressive campaign against the Ingush, who lived in anticipation. Detachments of Nogai Murzas come to his aid. The Russian Tsar Ivan IV the Terrible, married to Temryuk's daughter Maria, sent 1,000 Cossacks under the command of Grigory Pleshcheev to help him. As a result of this unification of the Kabardino-Nogai-Cossack campaign for discovery, 164 settlements were defeated, judging by the Russian chronicles. The Ingush went to the mountains again. Kabardians settled on their former territory.^{[36][37][38][39][40]} After his campaign against the Ingush, Temryuk turned his focus to the Ossetians, He invaded the Ossetian societies in the Digor, Kurtatin, and Tagaur regions, as well as the Ksani Eristavate in Central Ossetia. Assisted by a contingent of 500 streltsy and 500 Cossacks from Tsardom of Russia, Temryuk's forces captured key Ossetian nobles, including Burnat, Aznaur, Burnak, and Dudar, and occupied several settlements.^{[41][42][43][44][45][46]}

By 1562, rival political factions had emerged in Circassia, particularly over the question of foreign alliances. In 1563, several Circassian princes proposed to the Ottoman sultan joint military action against Astrakhan, with the aim of restoring it to Ottoman control. In 1565, envoys from the so-called “Mountain Circassians” arrived in Bakhchisarai and repeated the same proposal.^[47]

Nevertheless, when the Crimean Khanate and the Ottoman Empire launched a campaign against Astrakhan, the western Circassians refused to take part in it. In response, the Crimean Khanate sent a punitive expedition against the Circassians. However, according to a report sent to Moscow by A. Nagoy, “the Circassians defeated the sons of the Tatar tsar,” and the Tatars paid a heavy price for the campaign.^[47] Between 1563 and 1567, Kabardia was torn by armed conflict between the pro-Muscovite faction of Temryuk Idar and an anti-Muscovite coalition led by Pshiapshoqo supported by the Crimean Khanate and the Lesser Nogai Horde.

In the years 1562 to 1563, Temryuk Idar, relying on the assistance of Russian military units, carried out a series of major campaigns against Kabardian princes aligned with the Crimean Khanate, led by Pshiapshoqo Qeytuqo. These campaigns helped secure unobstructed connections between Kabarda and the Russian state with Georgia.^[48] In 1562–1563, a joint military campaign was launched by Temryuk of Kabarda and the Tsardom of Russia, led by voivode Grigory Pleshcheyev. The campaign targeted territories in the North Caucasus, including the lands of the Biyarslan noble family, who were seen as political opponents to Temryuk’s growing influence.^[15]

In 1563, Temryuk's opponents launched a large-scale offensive that forced him and his sons to flee to Astrakhan, but soon Ivan IV of Russia dispatched a Muscovite force of about a thousand men — Streltsy and Cossacks under Prince Ivan Dashkov — to restore him. With their help, Temryuk defeated his rivals and reclaimed his lands, forcing the anti-Muscovite chiefs to retreat. Continued skirmishes through 1566–1567 followed, as Temryuk's enemies sought Crimean and Nogai assistance to counterbalance his growing strength, while he secured permanent Russian support through the construction of the Terek Fortress on the Terek River. Despite Crimean attempts under Devlet I Giray to intervene, their raids failed to dislodge Muscovite or Kabardian forces. By the end of 1567, Temryuk stood victorious — his alliance with Muscovy firmly established him as the dominant power in Kabarda and marked the beginning of enduring Russo-Circassian influence in the North Caucasus.^[49]

Another major battle happened near the Sunzha river in 1567, where the forced of Temryuk once again clashed with the Tarki Shamkhalate. the Shamkhal, Budai I and his brother Surkhay I allied with the Nogais attacked the Kabardians, but their attacked ended in a fiasco where Budai and Surkhay died and Kabardians temporarily occupied the Kumyk lands.^{[50][51][52][53]} In 1569, after failing to capture Astrakhan, the Crimean–Ottoman army abandoned the Volga and began retreating. The withdrawal soon turned into a disaster. Although Muscovite commanders did not pursue the army, stragglers were frequently attacked by the Circassians, who were allied with Muscovy at the time. In several cases Ottoman soldiers were even killed and robbed by their own Crimean and Nogai allies; among the victims was the son-in-law of Kasim Pasha. According to information collected by Novosiltsev, “a third did not reach Azov,” while another report claimed that “not even a fourth of those Turkish people returned from Astrakhan.” Of the three thousand Janissaries, only about seven hundred reportedly survived. According to Taranovsky, of the original force of 25,000 cavalry and 3,000 Janissaries, only about 2,000 men reached safety.^[54]

A battle took place between the Circassians and the Crimeans on the Afips River in July 1570; the earliest Russian ambassadorial reports date it to 30 July.^[34] According to Circassian folklore, the Tatar commander was enraged upon seeing that Temryuk Idar was aiding the Circassians. The same tradition emphasizes the brutality of the fighting, claiming that Tatar arrows “fell like snow” and struck with the force of cannon fire.^[55] During the battle, one such arrow pierced Temryuk, inflicting a mortal wound, while the fortress he had built was captured by the Tatars. Despite his injury, Temryuk continued to fight, and repeated Crimean attempts to cross the river were repelled.^[56] Nevertheless, two of his sons, Beberyuk and Mamstruk, were captured by the Tatars.^[34] and Temryuk died of his wounds in 1571.^[27]

In 1576, the forces of the Lesser Nogai bey Ghazi ibn Urak were defeated by the Kabardians led by Temryukites and Sholokh Tepsaruqo. Nogai forces entered Kabarda and killed many, but they were briefly defeated by the Kabardians on their return. In addition to Ghazi ibn Urak, two of his brothers and several of his sons, as well as Iman-Girey and Chebar-Murza were murdered by the Kabardian forces during one of the battles. Pshiapshoqo Qeytuqo fought on the side of the Nogais and the Crimeans, pursuing a pro-Crimean policy.^[57]

In 1596, Kabardian forces led by princes Sholokh and Aytech advanced through the Daryal Gorge, seizing fortified settlements (’‘kabaki’’) belonging to the Vainakh noble Sultan-Murza. After establishing control in the highlands, they moved southward into Kartli's mountainous borderlands, specifically targeting the Sioni and Ksani regions.^{[58][59][60][61][62]}

In May 1597, King Alexander II of Kartli reported the incursion to Russian envoys Kuzma Savin and Andrei Polukhanov. According to their account, Alexander informed them that “Solokh, the Kabardian ruler, and Aitek-Murza” had invaded the “land of Soni,” killing many and taking numerous captives. The term “ruler” (’‘gosudar’’) used by Alexander in reference to Solokh suggests a recognition—possibly tactical—of his authority among the Kabardians.^{[58][59][60][61][62]}

17th century

In 1614, the Lesser Kabardian prince Mudar Alkhas, whose domains were located in the Darial Gorge, traveled to the court of Safavid Iran and concluded an alliance with the Safavid shah Abbas the Great against the Ossetians and Ingushs. As part of this political alignment, Mudar increasingly oriented his policies toward cooperation with Iran and openly demonstrated his loyalty to the Safavid ruler.

On 1 February 1615, an Astrakhan Tatar who had escaped from Mudar’s captivity arrived in the city of Terek and reported that approximately thirty Persian soldiers had arrived together with Mudar and were residing in huts specially constructed for them in the prince’s tavern camp. According to this report, Mudar openly boasted of his alliance with Shah Abbas, placing great hopes in Safavid support. In particular, the shah was expected to send a representative to secure the return of Mudar’s son, who was being held hostage in Terek. At least, this was the version of events that Mudar himself communicated to other Kabardian princes.

Subsequently, Mudar moved his taverns into the Darial Gorge and blocked the Georgian Military Road. This action was undertaken specifically in order to maintain reliable communications with the Persian garrisons stationed in Georgia. In effect, the Greater Caucasus Range functioned as the northern frontier of Iran, and control over the Darial passage was of strategic importance. Mudar placed guards near his taverns and thoroughly fortified all of them, thereby strengthening his position in the region and securing Safavid influence in the central Caucasus.^[63]

As a result of these developments, in 1615 Shah Abbas, with the assistance of Kabardians under Mudar and Kumyks led by Ildar and Giray, launched an invasion of the Kingdom of Kakheti. The campaign ended with the conquest of Kakheti, further consolidating Safavid power in eastern Georgia and demonstrating the military and political significance of Kabardian and Kumyk cooperation in Abbas’s Caucasian policy.^[64]

In 1615, a civil war broke out in Kabardia between the princes Sholokh and Qazi. Sholokh, supported by approximately 15,000 Nogais, launched an invasion against the domains of Qazi. Qazi initially resisted the attack with roughly 2,000 warriors and managed to oppose the advancing forces. However, during a subsequent engagement he was caught between two Nogai detachments and was ultimately defeated. Qazi himself was killed in the battle, along with several of his relatives, including prominent members of his family, and about 700 nobles who had fought on his side.

On the following day, Nogai forces entered Qazi’s villages, which had been left without protection after the defeat, and set them on fire, devastating the settlements.^[65]

In the early 17th century, Kabarda experienced intense internal strife, with rival princely families vying for dominance. The Idar's, supported by Moscow, sought to consolidate power and secure the title of pchyshkhue (Great Prince) exclusively within their lineage. This triggered opposition from the Kazi's, aligned with the Crimean Khanate, Lesser Nogai Horde, and influential Kumyk leaders from the Shamkhalate of Tarki.^[66] By 1641, tensions escalated following the assassination of Mudar Alkazov, a relative and ally of the Idar's. Seeking revenge, Kelemet Kudenet rallied a coalition consisting of Kabardian forces, Nogai detachments, Russian troops from the Terek fortress, and Kumyk allies. Meanwhile, the Kazi's, led by Aledjuqo Shodjenuqo, formed their own coalition with the Lesser Nogai Horde and other regional powers.^[67] The battle occurred near the Malka River, with the Idarey-led coalition positioned defensively. Their forces, numbering approximately 3,500, included:

• Kabardian warriors from the Idar's
• Kumyk contingents from the Shamkhalate of Tarki
• Nogai troops under the command of Saltanash Aksakov and Khoroshay Chubarmametov
• A Russian detachment of 500 soldiers, including Streltsy, Greben Cossacks, and Terek-based garrison troops.^[68]

Despite their numerical strength, the Idar coalition suffered a devastating defeat. Key leaders such as Kelemet Kudenet, Aidemir-Shamkhal, and Russian commander Artemy Shishmarev were killed in the battle. The Kazi faction's forces, supported by the Lesser Nogai Horde, overwhelmed their opponents, securing a decisive victory.^[69]

The outcome of the Battle of the Malka significantly altered the political landscape in Kabarda. The Kazi faction's victory reinforced their influence in the region and weakened the Moscow-backed Idar faction. This shift played a crucial role in shaping Kabardia's internal politics and relations with neighboring powers, including the Crimean Khanate and Russia.^[70][71]

In the 17th century, the Northeastern Caucasus became one of the main theaters of military operations for the Crimean Khanate. Numerous attempts by Crimean Tatar forces to penetrate Transcaucasia were carried out along the North Caucasian route, which passed through Circassia and Kabarda. Such campaigns were undertaken in 1606, 1608, 1616, and 1635. For example, in 1607 the Crimean Khan Ğazı II Giray spent the entire winter in Circassia, attempting to draw it into the political orbit of the Ottoman Empire or win it over to his side. These expeditions were typically accompanied by heavy fighting, the destruction of settlements, and the capture of thousands of prisoners and livestock, making this period particularly difficult for the Circassians. In many cases, Circassia was forced to resist the superior forces of the Crimean Khanate, which was often supported by the Ottoman Empire. According to R. Trakho, Moscow’s interest in the Caucasus declined after the Time of Troubles, and before the reign of Peter the Great there were almost no significant political or military actions between Russia and the Circassian lands. In 1616, the Ottoman Sultan decided to launch a new campaign through the North Caucasus toward Iranian territory. Crimean Tatar forces moved first through Kabarda, and the arrival of Janibek Giray prompted the Great Nogai Horde to join the campaign. Around 3,000 Crimeans and 9,000 Nogais from the Ishterekov ulus took part. Further campaigns against Kabarda were undertaken in 1619, 1629, and 1631. Their main goal was to draw the Kabardians to the Crimean side, and these expeditions were accompanied by plundering and devastation of the population and lands. At the same time, the Crimean and Ottoman authorities accused their supporters among the Kabardian feudal elite of treason and of defecting to the side of the Moscow tsar, something that often occurred due to difficult political circumstances. Even after the Ottoman defeat in its struggle with Iran in 1639, the devastating raids of the Crimean khans on Circassia and Kabarda continued. In 1640, a Crimean army of about 14,000 men carried out a winter campaign against the lands of the Circassian prince Adzhikumuk, but he managed to successfully repel the invaders.^[72]

In early 1644, after a skirmish with the Kalmyks, the Besleneys informed the Kabardians and Nogais that a Kalmyk army was advancing toward them. In response, the combined forces of the Kabardian princes, Nogai murzas, and some Abaza began fortifying their settlements and preparing for defense.^[73] According to Evliya Çelebi and Mustafa Naima, the allied force numbered about ten thousand men.^[74][75] Around mid-January 1644, Kalmyk detachments assaulted the fortified positions of the allied forces. The battle quickly became fierce, and the initial Kalmyk attack succeeded, inflicting heavy casualties on the coalition.^[73]

As noted by Evliya Çelebi, when the Kalmyk warriors encountered the Circassians and Nogais, they launched a sudden assault with cries of "Ho!", causing the Nogai and Kabardian forces to retreat. The Kalmyks pursued them deep into the mountains, where a second battle took place.^[75] Historian Begeulov R. M., citing a report by the Italian Catholic missionary A. Lamberti describing a battle between 1630 and 1650 in which Svans and Karachays defeated an invasion by “unknown people,” and Circassian oral traditions claiming that around 2,000 warriors from various mountain tribes joined the fight, suggests that Karachays, Balkars, and Svans likely assisted the coalition during this second battle.^[73] When the Kalmyks advanced into the mountains, allied marksmen armed with rifles, hidden in ambush, suddenly attacked them with volleys of gunfire. Evliya Çelebi described this ambush as resembling a “seven-headed dragon.” The Kalmyk army was decisively defeated.^[15][34] According to a Russian document from 1644, the Kalmyks lost most of their leaders and elite command staff and suffered heavy losses. Evliya Çelebi claimed that about 20,000 Kalmyks were killed, another 20,000 captured, and more than 67,000 horses seized by the victors.^[75] Russian sources, however, report that only 1,500 to 2,000 of the Kalmyk army survived.^[73]In 1671, the Crimean Khan again invaded Kabarda with a large force and remained in the region for more than eight months. The Kabardians, unwilling to submit yet unable to openly confront the Tatars, abandoned their homes and retreated to the mountains and fortified places, taking their possessions with them. The Crimean forces were left with only about fifty hostages and were eventually forced to withdraw after causing widespread devastation.^[72]

In 1699, the Crimean prince and kalga, Shahbaz Giray, was murdered in Circassia at the house of the Besleney prince Temir-Bulat. Reports suggested that he had been poisoned, although another version claimed that he was killed by rebellious Circassians. Suspicion also fell on Khan Davlet Giray, who had earlier used Circassian forces to defeat his rivals. However, the unrest that followed did not subside. The brother of the murdered kalga, Kaplan Giray, under the pretext of avenging Shahbaz Giray, carried out several devastating raids against the mountain regions. Some accounts also suggest that the murder may have been organized by Shahbaz Giray’s own brothers.^[76]

18th century

The killing of a member of the Giray dynasty prompted retaliation from the Crimean Khanate. In 1700 and again in 1701, Crimean forces under the command of Shahbaz Giray’s brother Kaplan Giray launched major punitive expeditions into Circassian territory, ostensibly to avenge the murder but also to plunder and capture tribute and slaves. Fearing reprisals and blood vengeance, those held responsible for Shahbaz Giray’s death fled from Besleney to Kabardia.^[77][76] Following pressure and retaliatory attacks from the Crimean Khanate, several hundred Besleney families, together with their leaders, sought refuge in Kabardia, where they were granted protection by the Kabardian prince Qeytuqo Jambulat.^[76]

In 1708 Sultan Ahmed III supported the Crimean Khan Qaplan I Giray and authorized a punitive campaign against the Kabardians. Ambassador P. A. Tolstoy reported from Constantinople that the Khan had received a decree from the Ottoman Porte ordering him to lead an army of thirty to forty thousand Tatars to devastate Circassia and burn its settlements.^[78] Qaplan I Giray began the campaign in the spring of 1708 and reached Kabarda during the harvest season. Rather than advancing deep into the country, he moved toward the region near Mount Elbrus and established his camp along the upper reaches of the Malka River in the area known as Lower Kanzhal. The site had been used by earlier Crimean khans and offered abundant pasture, clean water, and natural protection from the surrounding terrain. Behind the camp lay the Malka River and the nearby Babukin ford, the only easy crossing in the area.^[79] The Kabardian princes, led by the supreme prince Kurghoqo Hatokhshoqo, decided to resist the invasion. A general mobilization was proclaimed, and according to contemporary reports even boys as young as fourteen were called to arms.^[80] Kabarda was able to field between 7,000 and 30,000 men, though historians generally estimate the effective force at about 10,000 to 15,000 warriors, many of them noble cavalry.^[81] Recognizing that a direct confrontation with the larger Crimean army would be disastrous, the Kabardians attempted negotiations while secretly preparing for resistance. Kurghoqo Hatokhshoqo offered to reduce the tribute, but the Khan rejected the proposal and demanded no fewer than three thousand captives. The Kabardians deliberately prolonged negotiations for nearly three weeks in order to prepare their defenses.^[79] The first stage of the fighting occurred in the Tyzyl Gorge, where Kabardian detachments lured part of the Crimean force into a narrow mountain pass through a feigned retreat. Once the enemy cavalry entered the gorge, the Kabardians attacked from the slopes, firing arrows, rolling stones and tree trunks onto the trapped troops, and striking the immobilized cavalry. A later record preserved in the Russian Board of Foreign Affairs described how Crimean and Kuban forces were drawn into the mountains and suffered a crushing defeat, with many dying in battle or from hunger.^[82] Fighting continued for several weeks through repeated engagements and guerrilla-style attacks. According to the Kabardian commander Pshi Tatarkhan Bekmirza, the clashes with the Crimeans lasted between one and two months.^[79]

The decisive battle occurred in September 1708 when the Kabardians launched a coordinated night attack on the Crimean camp near the Malka River. Kabardian scouts silently eliminated enemy pickets and surrounded the camp before the assault began.^[79] According to several accounts, including those recorded by travelers such as Abi de la Motraye, a diversion was created by driving hundreds of horses with burning bundles tied to their tails into the camp, causing panic among the Crimean cavalry. As the frightened animals ran through the camp, confusion spread among the soldiers, who believed disaster had struck them unexpectedly.^[83] Taking advantage of the chaos, Kabardian forces attacked from several directions and overwhelmed the disorganized Crimean troops. The Crimean army was routed, and Khan Qaplan I Giray himself was wounded and forced to flee the battlefield.^[83] According to Kabardian accounts, around 11,000 Crimean soldiers were killed, while many others were captured or scattered in the mountains. The Kabardians captured artillery, including fourteen cannons and five mortars, along with thousands of horses and large quantities of weapons and supplies.^[83] The defeat was severe. Kalmyk Khan Ayuka later confirmed to a Russian envoy that many of the Khan’s leading murzas had been killed and that the Khan’s own son had been taken prisoner. Russian reports noted that only about half of the Crimean seymens survived the campaign.^[79] It reportedly took the Kabardians several days to bury the dead and divide the captured spoils. News of the defeat reached Constantinople by the end of October 1708, confirming the failure of the Crimean campaign against Kabarda.^[79] In 1711, a several-thousand-strong Crimean detachment invaded Circassian and Kabardian lands but was completely defeated.^[84] Later the same year, a larger multi-thousand Crimean army with allied forces entered Circassia and Kabarda. During its retreat with captured spoils, Russian regiments pursued the Crimean forces with the support of Kabardian cavalry; about 22,000 people were captured and 5,000 were killed.^[85] Later that year the Kabardians also joined the Russo–Kalmyk campaign against Kuban. During this campaign Kabardian forces provided significant assistance to the Russian army, defeating detachments commanded by Bakhti Giray, killing 359 of his men and capturing 40 others.^[86]

In the spring of 1720, the 40,000-strong Crimean army of Saadet IV Giray appeared on the borders of Kabardia. According to sources, the Crimean Khan undertook his campaign “upon the news and call of his eldest son, Salikh Giray.” In early June 1720, Saadet Giray, through his ambassadors, demanded that the rulers of Greater Kabardia recognize themselves as subjects of the Ottoman Sultan, resettle in Kuban, pay 4,000 yasyrs “for the dishonor of the former khan” (Qaplan I Giray), and return all the military spoils captured by the Kabardians over the previous twenty years. Attempts by the Kabardian princes to negotiate more lenient terms were rejected, and the Crimean–Ottoman army invaded Kabardia.^[87] The Jembulat's actively resisted, resettling with their subjects in the Kashkhatau tract and building a small fortress there. Despite their relatively small numbers and the defection of the Misost's and Hatokhshoqo's to the Crimean side, the Jembulat's, thanks to the leadership and ability of their leader Qeytuqo Aslanbech, successfully repelled the onslaught of their enemies until the end of the year. In December 1720, Saadet Giray was forced to retreat beyond the Kuban.^[88]

Only in mid-January 1721, after the battle on the Nalchik River, during which most of the Baksan nobles went over to the side of Qeytuqey village, were the Crimean troops expelled from the center of Kabarda. In this battle the Crimeans lost no fewer than 360 men killed. Despite the apparent success of the Kashkatau party, Crimea resumed its offensive against the descendants of Jembulat (the Bekmirza's and Qeytuqo's) in the spring of 1721. On January 3, 1721, Peter I of Russia, in a letter presented to the Kabardian ambassador Saalettirey Sulgan-aliev, guaranteed assistance to the “Kashkatau people.” However, this assistance was never provided. From 1721 to 1724, the Bekmirza's and Qeytuqo's, besieged by the Crimeans in the area of the city of Kashkatau, defended themselves entirely at the expense of their own resources.^[89]

In 1724, Aslanbech Qeytuqo asked for Military aid for Peter I, after receiving no answer to his request, he strengthened his ties with the new Crimean khan, Mengli II Giray. At this point, the Russian tsar Peter the Great was in favour of the Baksan faction and the Kashkatau party allied with the Crimeans, both parties changing sides in the conflict. In 1726, the Baksan leaders Islambek Misost and other Atazukhin princes capitulated and surrendered to Aslanbech. thus the Kashkatau faction achieved victory against the Russian supported part of Baksan.^[90][76]

In 1729 Bakhti Giray launched a campaign against Kabardia to collect tribute. In response, the Kabardians constructed defensive fortifications in the Baksan area. After two days of fighting, Bakhti Giray was wounded and the Tatar forces were defeated. During their retreat, they were pursued by Circassians, who killed Bakhti Giray and his brother with sabers.^[91] A different version is preserved in a Kalmyk report sent to the Russian tsar through the Collegium of Foreign Affairs. According to this document, the Kabardians initially surrendered without resistance and handed over a large number of captives, allegedly around one thousand. Considering this a victory, the Tatars began to celebrate, but during the night the Kabardians launched a surprise attack on the camp, completely defeating the Tatars and killing Bakhti Giray and his brother.^[92][93] The Circassians later sent Bakhti Giray’s body to the Crimean khan. He was buried between early April and late May (the beginning of the month of Shawwal), and his grave is preserved in the Khan’s Cemetery in Bakhchisaray.^[94]

In 1731, Aslan-Giray, a Crimean commander, led an army of approximately 7,000 warriors from Crimea, the Kuban region, and Nogai tribes to retaliate against Kabarda. Their objective was to devastate Kabardian settlements, seize livestock, and assert military dominance in the region.^[95] After initial skirmishes, the Crimean forces attempted to cross the Terek River at Zhyryshty. Kabardian forces, numbering around 12,000 men, waited for the enemy to begin their river crossing.^[96] Once the Crimean forces were vulnerable in mid-crossing, the Kabardians launched a sudden attack, overwhelming the enemy.^[97] The Crimean forces suffered heavy casualties, with many drowning in the river or being cut down by Kabardian cavalry.^[98]

19th century

The Grand Prince (Pshishkho)

The executive power was led by the Grand Prince of Kabardia, also known in Russian sources as the "Chief Prince". This position was not hereditary from father to son in Kabardia, it passed through a lateral succession system to the eldest and most capable member of the Inal dynasty. The selection involved identifying the eligible family line and obtaining confirmation from the General Khasa. The Grand Prince chaired the assembly and the court, managed foreign relations, and served as the commander-in-chief during wartime, though his authority required consultation with other lords.^[103]

The Assembly (Khasa)

The Khasa served as the central legislative body and operated with a bicameral structure consisting of an upper chamber for princes (Pshi) and a lower chamber for nobles (Worq). In 1767, following a peasant uprising, a temporary third chamber for commoners was established. Decisions were typically made through consensus, where individual representatives held a form of veto power that could block a resolution if they were not persuaded.^[103]

Local administration

At the local level, the system functioned through villages (Quaje) and manorial units. Each village was governed by a Quajeps (village owner) who held administrative, military, and legal authority over his land. These leaders were supported by administrative staff, including the Pshykheu (princely guards) and Beigol (administrative officials).^[103]

Social hierarchy

The stability of the government relied on a strict feudal hierarchy and a system of vassalage. The social strata included the Pshi (princes) at the top, followed by high-ranking nobles like first-degree nobles Tlekotlesh and second-degree nobles Dijinugho, and the lower noble warriors classes such as Beslan-Worq and Worq-Shautlighus. Loyalty was maintained through the Worqtin system, where princes provided weapons, horses, and land to their vassals.^[103]

Transition to Russian Rule

The traditional independent government system ended in 1822. General Yermolov established the Kabardian Provisional Court, which dismantled indigenous institutions and integrated the region into the Russian military and administrative framework.^[103]

Judicial system

Judicial authority originally resided in the Khey, a court chaired by the Grand Prince. Over time, this evolved into specific formats such as the Tkharko-Khas, a jury-style court of selected nobles used for significant public cases. By 1807, the Sharia Movement led to the official establishment of Mehkeme (Sharia courts), which shifted the legal framework from traditional customary law (Adat) to Islamic principles.^[103] The totality of customs that served as law for every Circassian, and indeed for every highlander, in family and social life was called adat (in Circassian - Xabze). Almost every separate society had its own adat (customary law), which in general terms were very similar to one another. During the period of independence of the Caucasian tribes, the Kabardian adat was considered the most developed and was accepted by many Circassian societies. Circassian society, whether it possessed an upper class or not, had from time immemorial lived according to its own customs.^[105] Whether due to the unfamiliarity of the population with sharia, or because of the dishonesty and greed of judges and mullahs, Circassians often preferred adat courts to sharia courts. Despite their limited knowledge of Islamic law, they soon realized that the mullahs interpreted the written law of the Quran at their own discretion. For this reason, in important cases they resorted to the decrees of adat, which were more understandable to them. In minor cases the disputants sometimes turned to the mullahs for judgment only out of a desire to resolve their disputes more quickly. The equal validity of both adat and sharia courts allowed considerable room for arbitrariness, giving litigants the option of choosing either method of trial. When a plaintiff believed that he could win more easily under adat, he demanded that the case be judged according to the customs of his ancestors. If he considered sharia more advantageous, he insisted that the trial be conducted according to the “Book of God,” as the Adyghe referred to the Quran.^[106]

National assemblies (public gatherings)

Aside from Sharia laws in the later periods, Circassians did not possess written laws; their legal norms were preserved in ancient customs and traditions that regulated social and political life. On important occasions, the entire people gathered in public assemblies to discuss matters affecting the community. At these gatherings, the senior princes first presented their opinions or proposals, after which the issue was debated by the nobles and elders elected by the people. In these deliberations, the authority of the elders was often significant and could carry greater weight than that of the princes themselves. Decisions were not imposed unilaterally but were typically reached through collective agreement between the princes, nobles, and representatives of the people. If the elders supported the position of the prince, the matter was considered resolved and the decision was proclaimed publicly to the assembled community. Such assemblies were usually held in designated open areas located near the residences of the princes, where large numbers of participants could gather.^[107]

Livestock breeding

Animal husbandry was the backbone of the economy. Horse breeding was the most prestigious sector, directly controlled by the nobility. Kabardian horses, particularly the "Sholokh" and "Bechkan" breeds, were world-renowned and fetched high prices in Ottoman, Persian, and Russian markets. Additionally, sheep provided meat, milk, and wool for high-quality burkas, while cattle were used for both food and agricultural labor. This sector relied on a transhumance system, where herds moved between the Terek plains in winter and alpine pastures like the Zolsklak in summer.^[103]

Agriculture and cultivation

Kabardia was one of the primary grain producers in the North Caucasus. Millet was the traditional staple, though wheat and barley were also common. From the 18th century onward, corn, sunflower, and tobacco cultivation expanded. In the plains, heavy plows pulled by oxen were used for deep tilling, while mountainous regions utilized advanced terracing and irrigation systems to prevent erosion. Horticulture and beekeeping were also vital, with the region producing noted wines, honey, and wax for export.^[103]

Craftsmanship and industry

Professional craftsmanship existed alongside household production. Kabardian metalwork, specifically swords (shashka), daggers (qama), and firearms, was considered elite throughout the Caucasus. Silverwork and niello artistry were frequently used to decorate belts and horse tack. Women dominated the textile sector, producing felt, woolen fabrics, and the shakwe (burkas), which were essential trade commodities.^[103]

Foreign trade

The economy was outward-looking, operating primarily on a barter system. Exports included horses, livestock, wool, honey, and silver-decorated weapons. In return, Kabardians imported salt, silk, velvet, metal tools, coffee, and luxury goods. The main trading partners were the Ottoman Empire, the Crimean Khanate, and Russia, following a historical precedent of trade with Genoese colonies. Historically, the slave trade was also a component of this commercial network, with captives often sent to Ottoman and Egyptian markets.^[103]

Impact of war

The Russo-Circassian War caused a severe economic collapse. The construction of the Azov-Mozdok Line deprived Kabardians of their most fertile winter pastures. Russian "scorched earth" tactics led to the deliberate destruction of crops, villages, and livestock. Furthermore, military blockades and trade embargoes halted exports, while the influx of Russian factory goods led to the decline of traditional local crafts and weaponry production.^[103]