Special Structure against Corruption and Organized Crime

First Instance

Special Court Against Corruption and Organized Crime (Albanian: Gjykata Speciale kundër Korrupsionit dhe Krimit të Organizuar – GJKKO), which is the successor of the Serious Crimes Court, is composed of 18 judges, of which 5 are permanent and 13 are temporary. It handles all cases brought forth by the Special Prosecution.^[7]

Second Instance / Appeal

Special Court of Appeal for Corruption and Organized Crime (Albanian: Gjykata e Posaçme e Apelit për Korrupsion dhe Krim të Organizuar) serves as the appellate body for cases adjudicated by the Special Court of First Instance.

Incinerators scandal

In response to complaints from Democratic Party MPs, on October 2020, SPAK initiated a series of investigations into the construction and operation of incinerators throughout Albania. Several high-ranking officials have already been convicted in connection with the case, facing charges of corruption and abuse of power.^[11]

Fraud in a Public Procurement for Sterilization Equipment

On August 2023, former Deputy Health Minister Klodjan Rrjepaj and Health Minister Ilir Beqaj, along with others, were arrested on charges of abuse of office, fraud and falsification of documents. The case involves a €100 million contract signed in 2015 for the sterilization of surgical equipment in public hospitals. According to SPAK, the tender process was manipulated to undermine fair competition, favoring businessman Ilir Rrapaj, who was also among those arrested.^[12]

Indictment of Sali Berisha

On October 2023, SPAK launched an investigation into former President Sali Berisha over allegations of abuse of power. In December of that year, he was placed under house arrest for failing to comply with a court order requiring him to report to the police every two weeks. In September 2024, Berisha was formally charged with passive corruption, accused of using his influence as prime minister (2005–2009) to benefit his son-in-law in the privatization of state land in Tirana. Both Berisha and the Democratic Party have repeatedly denounced the charges, accusing the Rama government of violating the constitution and using “Stalinist measures” to suppress political opposition.^[13]

Indictment and arrest of Evis Berberi

On March 2024, Evis Berberi, former Director General of the Albanian Road Authority, was arrested on charges of accepting bribes from companies that were awarded public contracts. According to SPAK, he is suspected of benefiting from approximately €2 million, allegedly invested in real estate through a company he established to evade detection.^[14]

Dismantling of an Organized Crime Gang

On August 2024, the Albanian State Police arrested 15 members of an organized crime gang during a series of coordinated raids in Tirana. The operation was carried out with support from Europol and authorities in France and Belgium, who provided key intelligence to identify the suspects. The gang operated on an international scale, engaging in contract killings, drug trafficking and money laundering through cryptocurrency transactions.^[15]

Indictment and arrest of Ilir Meta

On October 21, 2024, former President of Albania Ilir Meta was arrested on charges of money laundering, passive corruption, non-declaration and concealment of assets. His party, the Freedom Party (PL), denounced the arrest as political persecution aimed at silencing the opposition. This marks the most high-profile corruption case since the establishment of SPAK, making Meta the second opposition leader to be detained, following Sali Berisha, who until recently remained under house arrest.^[16]

Indictment and arrest of Erion Veliaj

Incumbent mayor of Tirana, Erion Veliaj, was arrested on February 11, 2025, on charges of corruption and money laundering.^[17] Veliaj, the three-time elected Mayor of Tirana, was arrested by Albania’s Special Anti-Corruption and Organized Crime Structure (SPAK) in February 2025 following anonymous allegations of corruption, which he denies. He was held in pre-trial detention for more than five months without being formally charged or presented with evidence, denied access to his international legal counsel, and kept in custody pursuant to court decisions that critics argue did not meaningfully assess necessity, proportionality, or alternatives to detention; formal charges were eventually filed several months after his arrest, amid broader concerns about Albania’s extensive use of pre-trial detention.^[18]

Indictment of Belinda Balluku

In November 2025, SPAK announced criminal charges against Balluku and several officials from the Ministry of Infrastructure and Energy in connection with the public tender for the Llogara Tunnel.^[19] According to the prosecutors’ filing, Signal messages recovered from the phone of Evis Berberi, then director of the Albanian Road Authority, allegedly showed Balluku discussing tender deadlines and bidder details.^[19] SPAK accuses the group of “creating unjust advantages” for the Turkish consortium Intekar Yapi & ASL Insaat in violation of Albania’s procurement laws (Law 162/2020 and Decision 285/2021). Balluku has denied any wrongdoing. On 20 November 2025, the Special Court Against Corruption and Organized Crime ordered two security measures against Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Infrastructure and Energy Belinda Balluku: suspension from her governmental duties and a ban on leaving the country.^[20] Balluku had previously stated in parliament that she would not comment on ongoing investigations and had reaffirmed her support for the justice reform.^[21]

AKSHI Public Procurement Investigation

In late 2025, SPAK unveiled a high-profile investigation into systemic corruption within the National Agency for Information Society (AKSHI).^[22] Prosecutors allege that a sophisticated criminal network rigged at least twelve public procurement procedures. Central to the investigation are businessmen Ermal Beqiri and Ergys Agasi. SPAK issued arrest warrants for both, with charges including money laundering, illegal competition, unlawful deprivation of liberty, violation of procurement offer equality, and participation in a structured criminal group.^[23] The crackdown also reached the highest levels of AKSHI’s leadership. Director Mirlinda Karçanaj and Deputy Director Hava Delibashi were placed under house arrest, while several other officials were hit with travel bans or mandatory reporting requirements.^[24][25] Prosecutors state that intercepted communications, digital recordings, and financial trails provide compelling evidence that lucrative contracts were deliberately steered toward companies linked to Beqiri and his collaborators.^[26][22][27]

Praise

The European Union has repeatedly praised Albania’s Special Anti-Corruption Structure (SPAK) for strengthening the country’s fight against corruption and organized crime.^[28]

European Commission progress reports have stated that SPAK has developed a “solid track record” in investigating, prosecuting and adjudicating corruption cases, including those involving high-level officials, while emphasizing the need to further consolidate results.^[5][29]

EU officials and diplomats have also commended SPAK’s operational independence and investigations targeting senior political and criminal figures, describing the institution as a “bright spot” in the country’s reform process.^[30] The EU Ambassador to Albania, Silvio Gonzato, said that EU member states “extremely appreciate the work done by SPAK,” including investigations and cooperation against criminal networks and corruption.^[31][32]

Criticisms and Due Process Concerns Surrounding SPAK

Critics attack SPAK for weak judgment, selective enforcement, and failing to live up to its public mandate.^[33] They maintain that the authority applies the law unevenly by aggressively targeting specific individuals while ignoring other high-profile cases. Such actions suggest political bias and questionable priorities, destroying trust in SPAK’s independence and undermining its role as a credible anti-corruption force.^[34]

The work of SPAK has also faced criticism from figures across Albania’s political spectrum, particularly in relation to the investigation and pre-trial detention of Erion Veliaj, the mayor of Tirana. Former justice ministers Ylli Manjani and Fatmir Xhafaj — who typically represent opposing political camps — publicly questioned the handling of the case.^[35][36]

Scrutiny arose from the 2026 lawsuit filed by Tirana Mayor Erion Veliaj against SPAK prosecutor Olsi Dado and the former Presidency of the Republic. Veliaj claimed that Dado’s 2008 appointment as a prosecutor violated legal requirements, as he had not completed magistrate school at the time. The lawsuit argued that all criminal proceedings and restrictions imposed on Veliaj were therefore based on an appointment “nul ab initio,” with significant consequences for his office and personal rights.^[37]

Pre-trial Detention

SPAK's use of pre-trial detention is controversial because it is part of a systemic national practice where 62% of Albania's prison population is jailed while awaiting trial, a rate far higher than in other European countries. The 2024 U.S. State Department report recently challenged these practices, highlighting concerns over questioning suspects without lawyers and the use of repeated investigation extensions. Critics argue this allows SPAK to hold individuals on spurious grounds for extended periods, as illustrated by Mayor Erion Veliaj's six-month detention before formal indictment.^[38] Reinforcing these concerns, activist lawyer Dorian Matlia recently leveraged a victory at the European Court of Human Rights – which ruled SPAK’s detention of Thoma Gëllçi illegal – to condemn what he describes as a "repressive justice" system that prioritizes televised arrests over human rights.^[39] This pattern of detention without charges has notably impacted high-profile figures such as Sali Berisha and former President Ilir Meta. Furthermore, some critics explicitly compare SPAK's methods to those of the Sigurimi, the country's communist-era secret police, implying its actions are politically repressive rather than purely judicial.^[40]