1999 Catalan regional election
Election in the Spanish region of Catalonia
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
A regional election was held in Catalonia on 17 October 1999 to elect the 6th Parliament of the autonomous community. All 135 seats in the Parliament were up for election.
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4.2%
4.4 pp | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
17 October 1999
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All 135 seats in the Parliament of Catalonia 68 seats needed for a majority | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| Opinion polls | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Registered | 5,293,657 4.2% | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Turnout | 3,133,926 (59.2%) 4.4 pp | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Following the ruling Convergence and Union (CiU)'s loss of its absolute majority in the 1995 election, Catalan president Jordi Pujol was forced to form a minority government and seek support from other parties. The hung parliament outcome of the 1996 general election allowed Pujol to secure a confidence and supply agreement with the People's Party (PP), in exchange of CiU's reciprocal support to the national government of José María Aznar (in what would become known as the Majestic Pact). The legislative term was dominated by the back-and-forth relations between both parties, with the most controversial issues being Aznar's attempt to reform the Spanish education system and Pujol's proposal of new legislation on the use of the Catalan language. This period also saw a deterioration of relations between CiU's component parties, Democratic Convergence of Catalonia (CDC) and Democratic Union of Catalonia (UDC), which at times threatened with their split.
Against the backdrop of Pujol's five-term tenure, the announcement in June 1998 by former Barcelona mayor Pasqual Maragall to stand as the presidential candidate of the Socialists' Party of Catalonia (PSC) turned the regional election into the most competitive one since 1980. Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC) had suffered the split in 1996 of its former leader Àngel Colom's Party for Independence (PI), which was ultimately disbanded in 1999 over its lacklustre results in the 1999 local elections. Initiative for Catalonia–Greens (IC–V) saw the splitting of both the Party of the Communists of Catalonia (PCC) in 1997—which, together with some elements of the late Unified Socialist Party of Catalonia (PSUC) coalesced into the new United and Alternative Left (EUiA) party—and The Greens–Ecologist Confederation of Catalonia (EV–CEC) in 1998.
Running under a broad platform that included progressive independents (Citizens for Change) and an electoral alliance with IC–V in the three smaller constituencies—Girona, Lleida and Tarragona—Maragall's PSC scored its first popular vote win in a Catalan regional election up to that point, as well as the party's best result to date with 52 seats and almost 38% of the vote share. Pujol's CiU retained first place in terms of seats (56) by a razor-thin margin and, together with the PP, was able to secure a narrow majority of 68 seats out of 135. All three smaller parties (the PP, ERC and IC–V) lost votes and seats due to the race's bipolarisation around Pujol and Maragall, whereas the United Left (IU)-supported EUiA failed to secure any representation. The election resulted in Pujol being re-elected for a sixth (and last) term in office.
Background
The 1995 election had resulted in a diminished victory for the ruling Convergence and Union (CiU) of Jordi Pujol, which for the first time since 1980 failed to secure an absolute majority in the regional parliament.[1][2] Pujol was able to get re-elected as Catalan president for a fifth term in office,[3] but his minority position forced him to secure confidence and supply from the People's Party (PP) in exchange of CiU's support to the newly-formed national government of Prime Minister José María Aznar as a result of the 1996 Spanish general election,[4][5] in what came to be known as the Majestic Pact.[6][7]
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The CiU–PP alliance and Pujol's decision to support Aznar's government proved uneasy due to previous animosity between the two parties,[8][9] with the issue of their relationship and mutual concessions dominating this period.[10] The Majestic Pact provided for a large transfer of powers,[11][12][13] including on fiscal management (such as taxes on personal income, wealth, property transfers, documented legal acts, inheritance, gifts and gambling),[14][15] but differences over the degree of devolution to be awarded and the fiscal policy of Aznar's government resulted in frequent clashes,[16][17][18] which extended to the degree of fulfillment of their signed commitments.[19][20][21] Mutual interest—with the stability of the Spanish government also dependant on continued support from CiU in the Cortes Generales—helped ensure that the legislative term reached its end.[22]
Divergences on economic policy saw Pujol demanding more investments from the General State Budget for Catalonia,[23][24] as well as pushing for greater devolution and a Catalan "fiscal pact" similar to the Basque Economic Agreement.[25][26] A plan by the national government to reform the teaching of humanities in the secondary education was heavily contested by the Catalan government,[27][28] which considered it as an interference within regional powers.[29][30] The proposed plan was ultimately defeated in the Congress of Deputies in December 1997,[31][32] forcing Aznar's government to seek a consensus with peripheral nationalist parties and the autonomous communities.[33][34] This period also saw Democratic Union of Catalonia (UDC) opting for a strategy of greater prominence and differentiation from its larger partner, Democratic Convergence of Catalonia (CDC),[35][36][37] with their relationship becoming strained at times,[38][39][40] occasionally jeopardizing the maintenance of the CiU alliance.[41][42][43]
In the opposition, the announcement in November 1996 by the mayor of Barcelona, Pasqual Maragall, that he would be stepping down from his post within ten months, fueled speculation about a possible run as presidential candidate for the Socialists' Party of Catalonia (PSC) in the next regional election,[44][45][46] with his personal popularity rivaling that of Pujol.[47][48] After several months dedicated to university lecturing in Rome and New York City,[49][50] and with his party's acclaim,[51][52][53] Maragall confirmed on 26 June 1998 that he would contest the regional presidency.[54][55] Concurrently, both Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC) and Initiative for Catalonia (IC) suffered from internal splits: the former from its leader, Àngel Colom's, who defected in late 1996 to establish the Party for Independence (PI);[56][57] the latter, over divergences with the confrontational attitude of its national sister party, United Left (IU), towards the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE).[58][59][60] The PI disbanded itself following disappointing results in the 1999 local elections,[61] whereas supporters of IU leader Julio Anguita established the new United and Alternative Left (EUiA).[62][63]
Negotiations for a regional language policy law became one of the main issues throughout the legislative term, with a proposal to make the use of Catalan language mandatory in commercial relations and the possibility of enforcing sanctions causing political divisions, first between CDC and UDC (with the latter pushing for a less restrictive approach),[64][65] then with other parties in the regional parliament such as ERC—which argued for the mandatory use of Catalan in daily interactions—and IC,[66][67] and finally between Pujol's and Aznar's governments (with the PP advocating for the abolition of Catalonia's language immersion policy and the establishment of a dual school system based on the students' mother tongue).[68][69][70] The law was finally approved through an agreement between CiU and the PSC that lifted the proposed sanctioning scheme,[71] but the political controversy dragged on into the ensuing years,[72][73] particularly regarding the law's regulatory development,[74][75] and the dubbing of films into Catalan.[76][77]
Overview
Under the 1979 Statute of Autonomy, the Parliament of Catalonia was the unicameral legislature of the homonymous autonomous community, having legislative power in devolved matters, as well as the ability to grant or withdraw confidence from a regional president.[78] The electoral and procedural rules were supplemented by national law provisions.[79]
Date
The term of the Parliament of Catalonia expired four years after the date of its previous election, unless it was dissolved earlier. The election was required to be called no later than 15 days before the scheduled expiration date of parliament, with election day taking place within 60 days from the call.[80] The previous election was held on 19 November 1995, which meant that the chamber's term would have expired on 19 November 1999. The election was required to be called no later than 4 November 1999, setting the latest possible date for election day on 3 January 2000.
The regional president had the prerogative to dissolve the Parliament of Catalonia at any given time and call a snap election, provided that no motion of no confidence was in process and that dissolution did not occur before one year after a previous one under this procedure.[81] In the event of an investiture process failing to elect a regional president within a two-month period from the first ballot, the Parliament was to be automatically dissolved and a fresh election called.[82]
As of April 1997, Pujol warned that he could call a snap election if the Catalan and Spanish political situation—both dependant on CiU's alliance with the PP—"forced him to do so".[83] The ensuing years saw speculation emerge on Pujol's alleged intention to trigger an early election for the spring of 1999,[84][85][86] with possible reasons being to prevent it from being sandwiched between the June 1999 local elections and the next general election,[87][88] as well as to try to thwart the consolidation of Pasqual Maragall's candidacy.[89] Some CiU sectors, dissatisfied with their agreements with the PP, pushed for an immediate early election throughout 1998.[90][91] Ultimately, Pujol chose to maintain the election for the autumn of 1999 to allow for more time both to rebuild relations between CDC and UDC and for a weakening of Maragall's electoral impact.[92][93] This was helped by a reassuring from José María Aznar (then prime minister of Spain) that the 2000 general election would not be advanced to be held concurrently with the Catalan election.[94] Further speculation on the specific date (with 17 and 24 October 1999 being commented) ended when Pujol confirmed in August 1999 that he would call the election for 17 October.[95][96][97]
The Parliament of Catalonia was officially dissolved on 24 August 1999 with the publication of the corresponding decree in the Official Journal of the Government of Catalonia (DOGC), setting election day for 17 October.[98][99]
Electoral system
Voting for the Parliament was based on universal suffrage, comprising all Spanish nationals over 18 years of age, registered in Catalonia and with full political rights, provided that they had not been deprived of the right to vote by a final sentence, nor were legally incapacitated.[100]
The Parliament of Catalonia had a minimum of 100 and a maximum of 150 seats, with electoral provisions fixing its size at 135. All were elected in four multi-member constituencies—corresponding to the provinces of Barcelona, Girona, Lleida and Tarragona, each of which was assigned a fixed number of seats—using the D'Hondt method and closed-list proportional voting, with a three percent-threshold of valid votes (including blank ballots) in each constituency.[101] The use of this electoral method resulted in a higher effective threshold depending on district magnitude and vote distribution.[102]
As a result of the aforementioned allocation, each Parliament constituency was entitled the following seats:[103]
The law did not provide for by-elections to fill vacant seats; instead, any vacancies arising after the proclamation of candidates and during the legislative term were filled by the next candidates on the party lists or, when required, by designated substitutes.[104]
Outgoing parliament
The table below shows the composition of the parliamentary groups in the chamber at the time of dissolution.[105][106][107][108]
| Groups | Parties | Legislators | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Seats | Total | ||||
| Convergence and Union's Parliamentary Group | CDC | 46 | 60 | ||
| UDC | 14 | ||||
| Socialist Group in the Parliament of Catalonia | PSC | 33 | 33 | ||
| People's Parliamentary Group | PP | 17 | 17 | ||
| Republican Left of Catalonia's Parliamentary Group | ERC | 9 | 9 | ||
| Initiative for Catalonia–The Greens's Parliamentary Group | IC–V | 9 | 9 | ||
| Mixed Group | PI | 4[c] | 7 | ||
| PCC | 1 | ||||
| EV–CEC | 1 | ||||
| CSP | 1[d] | ||||
Parties and candidates
The electoral law allowed for parties and federations registered in the interior ministry, alliances and groupings of electors to present lists of candidates. Parties and federations intending to form an alliance were required to inform the relevant electoral commission within 10 days of the election call, whereas groupings of electors needed to secure the signature of at least one percent of the electorate in the constituencies for which they sought election, disallowing electors from signing for more than one list.[111]
Below is a list of the main parties and alliances which contested the election:
| Candidacy | Parties and alliances |
Leading candidate | Ideology | Previous result | Gov. | Ref. | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Vote % | Seats | ||||||||
| CiU | List |
|
Jordi Pujol | Catalan nationalism Centrism |
40.9% | 60 |  |
[112] [113] [114] [115] | |
| PSC–CpC | List
|
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Pasqual Maragall | Social democracy | 26.1% [a] |
35 |  |
[55] [116] [117] [118] | |
| PP | List
|
.jpg) |
Alberto Fernández Díaz | Conservatism Christian democracy |
13.1% | 17 | |
[119] [120] | |
| ERC | List |
.jpg) |
Josep-Lluís Carod-Rovira | Catalan independence Left-wing nationalism Social democracy |
9.5% | 13 | |
[121] | |
| IC–V | List |
.jpg) |
Rafael Ribó | Regionalism Eco-socialism Green politics |
8.5% [b] |
10 | |
[122] [123] [124] [125] | |
| EUiA | List
|
 |
Antoni Lucchetti | Socialism Communism |
|
[62] [126] [127] | |||
| EV–CEC | List |
|
Elisenda Forés | Ecologism | |
[128] [129] [130] | |||
Campaign
Party slogans
| Party or alliance | Original slogan | English translation | Ref. | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| CiU | « Catalunya, primer » « A Catalunya, primer les persones » |
"Catalonia, first" "In Catalonia, first the people" |
[131][132][133] | |
| PSC–CpC | « Canviar és guanyar » | "To change is to win" | [134][135] | |
| PP | « Decisius per Catalunya » | "Decisive for Catalonia" | [136][137] | |
| ERC | « Aire fresc » | "Fresh air" | [138][139] | |
| IC–V | « Planta cara a la dreta » | "Stand up to the right" | [138][140] | |
| EUiA | « Ara! Catalunya d'esquerres » | "Now! Left-wing Catalonia" | [138] | |
Debates
Opinion polls
The tables below list opinion polling results in reverse chronological order, showing the most recent first and using the dates when the survey fieldwork was done, as opposed to the date of publication. Where the fieldwork dates are unknown, the date of publication is given instead. The highest percentage figure in each polling survey is displayed with its background shaded in the leading party's colour. If a tie ensues, this is applied to the figures with the highest percentages. The "Lead" column on the right shows the percentage-point difference between the parties with the highest percentages in a poll.
Graphical summary
Voting intention estimates
The table below lists weighted voting intention estimates. Refusals are generally excluded from the party vote percentages, while question wording and the treatment of "don't know" responses and those not intending to vote may vary between polling organisations. When available, seat projections determined by the polling organisations are displayed below (or in place of) the percentages in a smaller font; 68 seats were required for an absolute majority in the Parliament of Catalonia.
- Color key:
Exit poll
| Polling firm/Commissioner | Fieldwork date | Sample size | Turnout |  |
 |
 |
 |
 |
PI |  |
Lead |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1999 regional election | 17 Oct 1999 | N/a | 59.2 | 37.7 56 |
37.9 52 |
9.5 12 |
2.5 3 |
8.7 12 |
– | 1.4 0 |
0.2 |
| Eco Consulting/CCRTV[p 1] | 17 Oct 1999 | ? | ? | 37.4 55/57 |
36.7 50/52 |
9.6 12/14 |
3.2 3/4 |
8.5 11/13 |
– | – | 0.7 |
| Opitel/Tele 5[p 1] | 17 Oct 1999 | ? | ? | 40.0 57/58 |
37.5 50/52 |
9.0 11/12 |
4.5 4 |
7.0 10/12 |
– | – | 2.5 |
| Sigma Dos/Antena 3[p 1] | 17 Oct 1999 | ? | ? | 37.7 55/59 |
36.5 49/51 |
10.0 13 |
3.2 3 |
9.1 11/13 |
– | 1.7 0 |
1.2 |
| DYM/El Periódico[p 1][p 2] | 10 Oct 1999 | 3,643 | ? | 40.5 57/63 |
30.3 40/46 |
11.3 14/15 |
5.6 5/6 |
9.7 12/15 |
– | 2.0 0 |
10.2 |
| Ipsos–Eco/ABC[p 3] | 2–7 Oct 1999 | 2,400 | ? | 37.2 53/55 |
32.9 45/47 |
12.1 15/16 |
6.7 7/8 |
8.9 12/13 |
– | – | 4.3 |
| Sigma Dos/El Mundo[p 1] | 5–6 Oct 1999 | 2,000 | ? | 40.4 58/62 |
35.7 48/50 |
10.2 12/14 |
2.6 3 |
7.7 10 |
– | 1.5 0 |
4.7 |
| Ipsos–Eco/ABC[p 4] | 5–6 Oct 1999 | 800 | ? | 36.5 52/55 |
32.7 45/47 |
12.4 15/16 |
7.2 8 |
8.9 12/13 |
– | – | 3.8 |
| Demoscopia/El País[p 1][p 5] | 4–6 Oct 1999 | 2,000 | 65 | 40.1 58/60 |
36.6 48/50 |
10.7 13/14 |
3.2 3 |
7.7 10 |
– | 1.5 0 |
3.5 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia[p 6] | 4–6 Oct 1999 | 2,000 | ? | 39.0 56/58 |
36.0 51/52 |
10.5 13 |
4.0 4 |
7.5 9/10 |
– | 1.5 0 |
3.0 |
| Ipsos–Eco/ABC[p 7] | 3–4 Oct 1999 | 800 | ? | 36.2 52/54 |
33.1 45/47 |
11.8 14/15 |
7.4 8 |
9.6 13/14 |
– | – | 3.1 |
| CIS[p 8][p 9][p 10] | 16 Sep–3 Oct 1999 | 3,590 | 65.6 | 38.6 57/59 |
31.7 45/47 |
11.7 14/15 |
4.5 4/5 |
9.7 11/13 |
– | – | 6.9 |
| Ipsos–Eco/ABC[p 11] | 28 Sep–2 Oct 1999 | 1,400 | ? | 36.8 53/55 |
34.6 47/48 |
11.9 14/15 |
6.1 7 |
8.3 12 |
– | – | 2.2 |
| Metra Seis/Colpisa[p 1] | 27 Sep–1 Oct 1999 | 1,000 | 70 | 36.2 53/56 |
34.1 48/50 |
11.4 14/16 |
6.0 6/7 |
8.3 10/12 |
– | – | 2.1 |
| Ipsos–Eco/ABC[p 12] | 28–29 Sep 1999 | 1,000 | ? | 36.4 52/54 |
35.1 46/48 |
12.1 14/15 |
6.2 7 |
7.9 12 |
– | – | 1.3 |
| DYM/El Periódico[p 1][p 13] | 15–21 Sep 1999 | 3,666 | ? | 42.8 60/65 |
34.3 43/50 |
10.7 11/15 |
[h] | 8.7 11/14 |
– | 2.2 0 |
8.5 |
| Inner Line/PSC[p 14] | 10–21 Sep 1999 | 1,300 | ? | 39.3 56 |
41.2 58 |
9.1 10 |
? 3 |
5.9 8 |
– | – | 1.9 |
| Line Staff/Avui[p 1] | 19 Sep 1999 | 1,900 | ? | 42.6 61/62 |
34.1 49 |
9.0 12 |
2.0 0 |
10.2 12/13 |
– | 0.4 0 |
8.5 |
| Demoscopia/El País[p 15][p 16] | 13–15 Sep 1999 | 800 | 65 | 38.8 55/58 |
37.6 50/52 |
10.6 13/14 |
3.7 4 |
7.0 10/11 |
– | – | 1.2 |
| La Vanguardia[p 17] | 13 Sep 1999 | ? | ?[i] | 38.6 55/58 |
34.6 47/51 |
11.1 14 |
4.6 4 |
7.8 9/12 |
– | – | 4.0 |
| ?[j] | 35.3 52/55 |
38.7 52/57 |
10.9 13/14 |
4.0 3/4 |
7.7 9/12 |
– | – | 3.4 | |||
| Sigma Dos/El Mundo[p 1] | 7–9 Sep 1999 | 2,000 | ? | 40.4 58/63 |
33.9 46/48 |
10.0 13 |
3.6 4 |
7.5 9/12 |
– | 2.2 0 |
6.5 |
| CiU[p 18] | 2 Sep 1999 | ? | ? | ? 57 |
? 45/47 |
? 14/15 |
? 5/6 |
? 14/15 |
– | – | ? |
| Opina/La Vanguardia[p 19] | 30–31 Aug 1999 | 2,000 | ? | 38.0 55/56 |
36.0 49/51 |
10.5 13/14 |
5.0 4/6 |
7.5 10/11 |
– | 1.0 0 |
2.0 |
| Line Staff/Avui[p 1][p 20][p 21] | 26–30 Aug 1999 | 1,900 | ? | ? 57/58 |
? 47 |
? 13/14 |
? 5 |
? 12 |
– | – | ? |
| UDC[p 22] | 28 Jul 1999 | ? | ? | ? 55 |
? 45 |
? 14/15 |
? 7 |
? 14/15 |
? 0 |
? 0 |
? |
| DYM/El Periódico[p 23][p 24] | 18 Jul 1999 | ? | ? | 41.5 | 28.3 | 7.7 | 7.6 | 10.4 | – | – | 13.2 |
| 1999 EP election | 13 Jun 1999 | N/a | 54.8 | 29.3 (47) |
34.6 (50) |
16.9 (25) |
5.4 (5) |
6.1 (8) |
0.4 (0) |
2.0 (0) |
5.3 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia[p 25][p 26] | 29 Apr–1 May 1999 | 600 | ? | 39.0 58 |
31.0 44 |
15.0 19 |
6.0 6 |
7.0 8 |
0.0 0 |
0.5 0 |
8.0 |
| Central de Campo/PSC[p 27][p 28] | 22–24 Apr 1999 | 800 | ? | 37.5– 38.5 |
36.0– 37.0 |
10.0– 11.0 |
5.0– 6.0 |
8.0– 9.0 |
0.5– 1.5 |
1.5– 2.5 |
1.5 |
| DYM/El Periódico[p 29][p 30] | 23 Jan 1999 | ? | ? | 38.6 | 28.0 | 11.1 | 7.4 | 9.0 | 0.6 | 2.9 | 10.6 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia[p 31][p 32] | 11–12 Dec 1998 | 600 | ? | 38.0 57 |
31.0 44 |
16.0 21 |
6.0 6 |
6.0 7 |
0.5 0 |
1.0 0 |
7.0 |
| ERC[p 33] | 5 Nov 1998 | ? | ? | ? 53/55 |
? 46/48 |
? 15/17 |
? 2/4 |
? 12/14 |
– | – | ? |
| PSOE[p 34][p 35][p 36] | 3 Nov 1998 | 1,400 | ? | 33.7 | 35.6 | 13.7 | 4.2 | 8.1 | – | 2.6 | 1.9 |
| Line Staff/CDC[p 34][p 35][p 36][p 37] | 2 Nov 1998 | 2,000 | ? | ? 59/61 |
? 44/45 |
? 15/16 |
? 6 |
? 8/9 |
– | – | ? |
| Opina/La Vanguardia[p 38][p 39] | 19–20 Jun 1998 | 600 | ? | 39.5 61 |
28.0 41 |
14.0 19 |
6.5 6 |
7.0 8 |
0.5 0 |
1.0 0 |
11.5 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia[p 40][p 41] | 6 Mar 1998 | 600 | ? | 39.5 61 |
27.0 40 |
13.5 18 |
7.0 8 |
6.5 8 |
0.5 0 |
1.0 0 |
12.5 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia[p 41][p 42] | 3–4 Nov 1997 | 900 | ? | 42.5 65 |
23.0 33 |
14.0 19 |
7.5 8 |
7.5 10 |
1.0 0 |
– | 19.5 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia[p 43] | 18–19 Jun 1997 | 600 | ? | 41.0 | 23.0 | 15.0 | 9.0 | 7.5 | – | – | 18.0 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia[p 44] | 7–8 Mar 1997 | 600 | ? | 39.5 | 25.5 | 15.0 | 9.0 | 7.0 | – | – | 14.0 |
| 1996 general election | 3 Mar 1996 | N/a | 76.5 | 29.6 (44) |
39.4 (54) |
18.0 (25) |
7.6 (8) |
4.2 (4) |
– | – | 9.8 |
| 1995 regional election | 19 Nov 1995 | N/a | 63.6 | 40.9 60 |
24.9 34 |
13.1 17 |
9.7 11 |
9.5 13 |
– | – | 16.0 |
Voting preferences
The table below lists raw, unweighted voting preferences.
| Polling firm/Commissioner | Fieldwork date | Sample size | |
|
|
|
|
PI | |
 |
 |
Lead |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1999 regional election[k] | 17 Oct 1999 | N/a | 22.2 | 22.3 | 5.6 | 1.5 | 5.1 | – | 0.8 | N/a | 39.4 | 0.1 |
| CIS[p 8] | 16 Sep–3 Oct 1999 | 3,590 | 33.2 | 22.8 | 4.8 | 3.2 | 5.3 | – | 0.6 | 18.5 | 9.7 | 10.4 |
| 1999 EP election[k] | 13 Jun 1999 | N/a | 16.2 | 19.1 | 9.3 | 3.0 | 3.3 | 0.2 | 1.1 | N/a | 44.5 | 2.9 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia[p 19] | 29 Apr–1 May 1999 | 600 | 26.9 | 22.3 | – | – | – | – | – | – | – | 4.6 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia[p 19] | 11–12 Dec 1998 | 600 | 25.0 | 20.2 | – | – | – | – | – | – | – | 4.8 |
| Demoscopia/El País[p 45] | 5–8 Jul 1998 | 800 | 30.8 | 35.6 | 6.3 | 1.8 | 3.5 | – | 2.3 | – | – | 4.8 |
| PSC[p 46] | 25–28 May 1998 | 1,000 | 27.3 | 20.7 | 5.5 | 2.3 | 4.6 | 0.5 | 1.5 | 29.2 | 7.0 | 6.6 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia[p 19] | 6 Mar 1998 | 600 | 30.2 | 20.2 | – | – | – | – | – | – | – | 10.0 |
| 1996 general election[k] | 3 Mar 1996 | N/a | 22.7 | 30.2 | 13.8 | 5.9 | 3.2 | – | – | N/a | 23.0 | 7.5 |
| 1995 regional election[k] | 19 Nov 1995 | N/a | 26.1 | 15.8 | 8.3 | 6.2 | 6.1 | – | – | N/a | 36.0 | 10.3 |
Victory preferences
The table below lists opinion polling on the victory preferences for each party in the event of a regional election taking place.
| Polling firm/Commissioner | Fieldwork date | Sample size | |
|
|
|
|
|
Other/ None |
|
Lead |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Opina/La Vanguardia[p 6] | 4–6 Oct 1999 | 2,000 | 38.3 | 37.1 | – | – | – | – | 8.8 | 15.8 | 1.2 |
| CIS[p 8] | 16 Sep–3 Oct 1999 | 3,590 | 39.5 | 28.0 | 5.0 | 4.1 | 6.3 | 0.5 | 0.4 | 16.3 | 11.5 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia[p 19] | 30–31 Aug 1999 | 2,000 | 34.5 | 35.8 | – | – | – | – | 8.2 | 21.5 | 1.3 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia[p 25] | 29 Apr–1 May 1999 | 600 | 40.2 | 35.1 | – | – | – | – | 6.8 | 17.9 | 5.1 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia[p 31] | 11–12 Dec 1998 | 600 | 34.8 | 35.3 | – | – | – | – | 8.0 | 21.9 | 0.5 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia[p 38] | 19–20 Jun 1998 | 600 | 38.7 | 34.9 | – | – | – | – | 5.3 | 21.1 | 3.8 |
Victory likelihood
The table below lists opinion polling on the perceived likelihood of victory for each party in the event of a regional election taking place.
| Polling firm/Commissioner | Fieldwork date | Sample size | |
|
|
|
Other/ None |
|
Lead |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Demoscopia/El País[p 47] | 4–6 Oct 1999 | 2,000 | 61.0 | 19.0 | – | – | 20.0 | 42.0 | |
| Opina/La Vanguardia[p 6] | 4–6 Oct 1999 | 2,000 | 61.5 | 17.5 | – | – | 0.3 | 20.7 | 44.0 |
| CIS[p 8] | 16 Sep–3 Oct 1999 | 3,590 | 63.7 | 18.3 | 1.8 | 0.0 | – | 16.2 | 45.4 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia[p 19] | 30–31 Aug 1999 | 2,000 | 48.6 | 25.5 | – | – | 0.6 | 25.3 | 23.1 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia[p 25] | 29 Apr–1 May 1999 | 600 | 60.9 | 18.0 | – | – | 0.8 | 20.3 | 42.9 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia[p 31] | 11–12 Dec 1998 | 600 | 51.2 | 21.2 | – | – | 2.2 | 25.4 | 30.0 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia[p 38] | 19–20 Jun 1998 | 600 | 58.7 | 20.1 | – | – | 0.4 | 20.8 | 38.6 |
Preferred President
The table below lists opinion polling on leader preferences to become president of the Government of Catalonia.
- All candidates
.jpg)
- Pujol vs. Maragall
| Polling firm/Commissioner | Fieldwork date | Sample size | |
|
Other/ None/ Not care |
|
Lead |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Pujol CiU |
Maragall PSC | ||||||
| Demoscopia/El País[p 47] | 4–6 Oct 1999 | 2,000 | 45.0 | 39.0 | 16.0 | 6.0 | |
| Opina/La Vanguardia[p 6] | 4–6 Oct 1999 | 2,000[l] | 42.8 | 41.1 | 7.9 | 8.2 | 1.7 |
| 2,000 | 38.3 | 37.2 | 8.5 | 16.0 | 1.1 | ||
| Inner Line/PSC[p 14] | 10–21 Sep 1999 | 1,300 | 39.8 | 42.5 | 17.7 | 2.7 | |
| Demoscopia/El País[p 47] | 13–15 Sep 1999 | 800 | 40.0 | 44.0 | 16.0 | 4.0 | |
| Opina/La Vanguardia[p 19] | 30–31 Aug 1999 | 2,000[l] | 38.0 | 41.1 | 6.9 | 14.0 | 3.1 |
| 2,000 | 34.9 | 37.5 | 7.2 | 20.4 | 2.6 | ||
| DYM/El Periódico[p 23] | 18 Jul 1999 | ? | 30.2 | 34.5 | 35.3 | 4.3 | |
| Opina/La Vanguardia[p 25] | 29 Apr–1 May 1999 | 600[l] | 43.2 | 40.8 | 8.0 | 7.9 | 2.4 |
| 600 | 41.8 | 37.0 | 7.1 | 14.1 | 4.8 | ||
| Central de Campo/PSC[p 27][p 28] | 22–24 Apr 1999 | 800 | 35.0– 36.0 |
35.5– 37.5 |
27.5– 28.5 |
0.5– 1.5 | |
| DYM/El Periódico[p 29][p 30] | 23 Jan 1999 | ? | 33.0 | 33.4 | 33.6 | 0.4 | |
| Opina/La Vanguardia[p 31] | 11–12 Dec 1998 | 600[l] | 40.0 | 43.0 | 7.8 | 9.2 | 3.0 |
| 600 | 36.0 | 37.2 | 8.3 | 18.5 | 1.2 | ||
| Demoscopia/El País[p 45] | 5–8 Jul 1998 | 800 | 37.0 | 45.0 | 18.0 | 8.0 | |
| DYM/El Periódico[p 48] | 22 Jun 1998 | ? | 36.8 | 44.3 | 18.9 | 7.5 | |
| Opina/La Vanguardia[p 38] | 19–20 Jun 1998 | 600[l] | 40.4 | 42.6 | 6.0 | 11.0 | 2.2 |
| 600 | 37.9 | 38.4 | 5.1 | 18.6 | 0.5 | ||
| Opina/La Vanguardia[p 49] | 6 Mar 1998 | 600 | 35.5 | 42.8 | 10.2 | 11.5 | 7.3 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia[p 50] | 3–4 Nov 1997 | 900 | 39.3 | 40.0 | 9.3 | 11.4 | 0.7 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia[p 51] | 18–19 Jun 1997 | 600 | 38.0 | 39.8 | 8.3 | 13.9 | 1.8 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia[p 52] | 7–8 Mar 1997 | 600 | 37.0 | 43.2 | 10.7 | 9.2 | 6.2 |
| Demoscopia/El País[p 53] | 1 Dec 1996 | ? | 40.0 | 38.0 | 22.0 | 2.0 | |
- Pujol vs. Nadal
| Polling firm/Commissioner | Fieldwork date | Sample size | |
.jpg) |
Other/ None/ Not care |
|
Lead |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Pujol CiU |
Nadal PSC | ||||||
| Opina/La Vanguardia[p 40] | 6 Mar 1998 | 600 | 44.0 | 22.0 | 13.3 | 20.6 | 22.0 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia[p 42] | 3–4 Nov 1997 | 900 | 47.4 | 17.7 | 13.7 | 21.2 | 29.7 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia[p 43] | 18–19 Jun 1997 | 600 | 47.7 | 9.5 | 19.2 | 23.6 | 38.2 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia[p 44] | 7–8 Mar 1997 | 600 | 41.7 | 13.2 | 17.0 | 28.1 | 28.5 |
Predicted President
The table below lists opinion polling on the perceived likelihood for each leader to become president.
- Pujol vs. Maragall
| Polling firm/Commissioner | Fieldwork date | Sample size | |
|
Other/ None/ Not care |
|
Lead |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Pujol CiU |
Maragall PSC | ||||||
| Ipsos–Eco/ABC[p 4] | 5–6 Oct 1999 | 800 | 62.0 | 16.0 | – | 22.0 | 46.0 |
| Demoscopia/El País[p 47] | 4–6 Oct 1999 | 2,000 | 59.0 | 24.0 | 17.0 | 35.0 | |
| Opina/La Vanguardia[p 6] | 4–6 Oct 1999 | 2,000 | 60.7 | 17.8 | 0.2 | 21.3 | 42.9 |
| Ipsos–Eco/ABC[p 7] | 3–4 Oct 1999 | 800 | 66.0 | 14.0 | – | 20.0 | 52.0 |
| Ipsos–Eco/ABC[p 11] | 28 Sep–2 Oct 1999 | 1,400 | 63.0 | 20.0 | – | 17.0 | 43.0 |
| Demoscopia/El País[p 47] | 13–15 Sep 1999 | 800 | 55.0 | 28.0 | 17.0 | 27.0 | |
| Opina/La Vanguardia[p 19] | 30–31 Aug 1999 | 2,000 | 48.5 | 26.5 | 0.5 | 24.5 | 22.0 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia[p 25] | 29 Apr–1 May 1999 | 600 | 60.4 | 20.3 | 0.7 | 18.6 | 40.1 |
| Central de Campo/PSC[p 27] | 22–24 Apr 1999 | 800 | 55.6 | 20.5 | 23.9 | 35.1 | |
| DYM/El Periódico[p 29][p 30] | 23 Jan 1999 | ? | 49.1 | 22.4 | 28.5 | 26.7 | |
| Opina/La Vanguardia[p 31] | 11–12 Dec 1998 | 600 | 50.8 | 24.2 | 1.5 | 23.5 | 26.6 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia[p 38] | 19–20 Jun 1998 | 600 | 55.7 | 21.6 | 1.1 | 21.6 | 34.1 |
- Pujol vs. Nadal
| Polling firm/Commissioner | Fieldwork date | Sample size | |
|
Other/ None/ Not care |
|
Lead |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Pujol CiU |
Nadal PSC | ||||||
| Opina/La Vanguardia[p 40] | 6 Mar 1998 | 600 | 72.3 | 8.8 | 3.3 | 15.6 | 63.5 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia[p 42] | 3–4 Nov 1997 | 900 | 71.9 | 10.3 | 3.8 | 14.0 | 61.6 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia[p 43] | 18–19 Jun 1997 | 600 | 68.2 | 3.5 | 8.2 | 20.1 | 64.7 |
| Opina/La Vanguardia[p 44] | 7–8 Mar 1997 | 600 | 74.0 | 4.0 | 5.2 | 16.8 | 70.0 |
Voter turnout
The table below shows registered voter turnout during the election. Figures for election day do not include non-resident citizens, while final figures do.
| Province | Time (Election day) | Final | ||||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 13:00 | 18:00 | 20:00 | ||||||||||
| 1995 | 1999 | +/– | 1995 | 1999 | +/– | 1995 | 1999 | +/– | 1995 | 1999 | +/– | |
| Barcelona | 25.72% | 24.13% | −1.59 | 51.03% | 46.10% | −4.93 | 63.23% | 59.52% | −3.71 | 62.89% | 58.85% | −4.04 |
| Girona | 29.29% | 26.70% | −2.59 | 56.68% | 50.32% | −6.36 | 68.12% | 62.75% | −5.37 | 67.75% | 62.16% | −5.59 |
| Lleida | 24.10% | 22.59% | −1.51 | 52.67% | 46.95% | −5.72 | 67.21% | 62.12% | −5.09 | 66.59% | 60.81% | −5.78 |
| Tarragona | 26.16% | 23.59% | −2.57 | 50.90% | 44.87% | −6.03 | 64.55% | 58.91% | −5.64 | 64.25% | 58.32% | −5.93 |
| Total | 25.96% | 24.21% | −1.75 | 51.59% | 46.40% | −5.19 | 63.99% | 59.90% | −4.09 | 63.64% | 59.20% | −4.44 |
| Sources[142] | ||||||||||||
Results
Overall
 | ||||||
| Parties and alliances | Popular vote | Seats | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Votes | % | ±pp | Total | +/− | ||
| Socialists' Party of Catalonia–Citizens for Change (PSC–CpC) | 1,183,299 | 37.85 | +11.75 | 52 | +17 | |
| Socialists' Party–Citizens for Change–Initiative–Greens (PSC–CpC–IC–V)2 | 235,097 | 7.52 | +0.67 | 16 | +3 | |
| Convergence and Union (CiU) | 1,178,420 | 37.70 | −3.25 | 56 | −4 | |
| People's Party (PP) | 297,265 | 9.51 | −3.57 | 12 | −5 | |
| Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC) | 271,173 | 8.67 | −0.82 | 12 | −1 | |
| Initiative for Catalonia–Greens (IC–V)2 3 | 78,441 | 2.51 | n/a | 3 | −5 | |
| United and Alternative Left (EUiA)3 | 44,454 | 1.42 | n/a | 0 | −1 | |
| The Greens–Ecologist Confederation of Catalonia (EV–CEC)3 | 22,797 | 0.73 | n/a | 0 | −1 | |
| The Greens–Green Alternative (EV–AV) | 8,254 | 0.26 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Internationalist Socialist Workers' Party (POSI) | 2,784 | 0.09 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Catalan State (EC) | 1,774 | 0.06 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Humanist Party of Catalonia (PHC) | 1,327 | 0.04 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Spanish Phalanx of the CNSO (FE–JONS) | 1,281 | 0.04 | +0.03 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Democratic and Social Centre (CDS) | 1,161 | 0.04 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Natural Law Party (PLN) | 1,029 | 0.03 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| UNIC–Federation of Independents of Catalonia (UNIC–FIC) | 881 | 0.03 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Bounced Public Workers (TPR) | 833 | 0.03 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Espinalist Party (PE) | 799 | 0.03 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Internationalist Struggle (LI (LIT–CI)) | 485 | 0.02 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Federal Democratic Union (UFD) | 447 | 0.01 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Catalans in the World (CAM) | 110 | 0.00 | New | 0 | ±0 | |
| Democratic Party of the People (PDEP) | 108 | 0.00 | ±0.00 | 0 | ±0 | |
| Blank ballots | 28,968 | 0.93 | −0.04 | |||
| Total | 3,126,090 | 135 | ±0 | |||
| Valid votes | 3,126,090 | 99.75 | +0.03 | |||
| Invalid votes | 7,836 | 0.25 | −0.03 | |||
| Votes cast / turnout | 3,133,926 | 59.20 | −4.44 | |||
| Abstentions | 2,159,731 | 40.80 | +4.44 | |||
| Registered voters | 5,293,657 | |||||
| Sources[105][142][143] | ||||||
Footnotes:
| ||||||
Distribution by constituency
Aftermath
Government formation
2001 motion of no confidence
Notes
- Joan Blanch, former PSC legislator.[110]
- Denotes a main invitee attending the event.
- Denotes a main invitee not attending the event, sending a surrogate in their place.
- Does not include non-resident citizens.
- Prompted.