National Bolshevik Party

Party platform

The NBP claimed inspiration from the National Bolshevik ideas that arose during the Russian Civil War, such as those of Nikolai Ustryalov, who came to believe that Bolshevism could be modified to serve nationalistic purposes. His followers, the Smenovekhovtsy, who then came to regard themselves as National Bolsheviks, borrowed the term from German politician Ernst Niekisch, who was initially associated with left-wing politics and later National Bolshevism. However, the NBP differed from their cited historical inspirations; while Ustryalov advocated for capitalism, the NBP instead agitated for nationalisation and a welfare state. According to scholar Marta Żakowska, the party's ideology "aligns more closely with recent leftist philosophical thought than with the historical projects it alludes to in its name".^[15]

The NBP's ideology and style were initially modeled after Italian fascism^[16] while the party simultaneously defended the Soviet Union's domestic policies, specifically those implemented under Stalinism, asserting that they were a means of preserving the country's "national and social justice."^[17] The party was described by observers as a mixture of far-left and far-right ideology,^[15] including among its members Soviet nostalgics as well as skinheads.^[18]

According to the 1994 program, the global goal of National Bolshevism is the creation of an "Empire from Vladivostok to Gibraltar based on the Russian civilization," and the essence of National Bolshevism lies in "a withering hatred for the anti-human system of the trinity: liberalism/democracy/capitalism. A man of rebellion, a National Bolshevik sees his mission in destroying the system to its foundations. A traditionalist, hierarchical society will be built on the ideals of spiritual masculinity and social and national justice." National Bolshevism's external enemy was identified as "the Great Satan – the USA and the European mondialists". The party's aim after achieving power was to build "a total state, where human rights will give way to the rights of the nation" and "any separatist aspirations of national minorities will be ruthlessly suppressed". The party's economic program was to "terminate all agreements with the West" and build an autarkic socialist "economic dictatorship" with progressive nationalization.^[19] Other party positions included "the establishment of Russian sheriffs, empowered to deliver the culprit dead or alive; the live broadcasting of executions on television; a ban on abortions; and a legal obligation for all women between 25 and 35 years of age to give birth to at least four children".^[11]

After Dugin's departure from the party in 1998 and during Limonov's prison sentence in 2001-2003, the NBP experienced an ideological shift under the guidance of Vladimir Linderman, Limonov's second-in-command. Moving away from its previous right-wing and authoritarian positions, the party's main focus became human rights and pro-democratic activism, while retaining its Russian nationalism, anti-NATO sentiment, and left-wing economic positions.^[11][17] In its later years, the party publicly denounced fascism and rejected "any form of xenophobia, antisemitism, or racial intolerance" in favor of Great Russian civic nationalism; the party advocated for Russian nationalism on the basis of culture and language rather than ethnicity.^[17]

Limonov explained this ideological shift, stating:

Why would we bother playing with fascism anymore when the Kremlin is already fascist? […] We are an opposition party. And today the most radical position of all is to fight for democracy and elections — against Putin’s fascism.^[20]

On 29 November 2004, at the party's fifth congress, a new program was adopted. According to the new program, "the main goal of the National Bolshevik Party is to transform Russia into a modern, powerful state, respected by other countries and peoples and beloved by its own citizens". The program demanded the free development of civil society, freedom of independent media, public oversight of law enforcement, an end to the Second Chechen War via negotiation, and the protection of the rights of Russian-speaking people outside of Russia. The program was highly critical of Vladimir Putin's government and state institutions, stating that "the activities of the FSB and the Ministry of Internal Affairs today pose no less of a threat to the security of Russian citizens than Chechen terrorists".^[21]

On the difference between the 1994 and 2004 programs, the party stated:

The NBP doesn't change its ideology, but our ideology evolves and develops based on the current reality. In the mid-1990s, when the NBP began its existence, the party's main slogans were national and social justice. The ideal state structure was a total state based on strict discipline. It envisioned harsh punishment for those directly responsible for the collapse of the country, "privatization," and "shock therapy." This was a response to the rampant "democratic" permissiveness.

However, after Putin came to power, a "tightening of the screws" and political repression of dissent (primarily the NBP) began. Under these conditions, advocating for totalitarian slogans became simply stupid and politically illiterate. Therefore, to the demands for national and social justice, the National Bolsheviks added a third component: the demand for civil and political liberties.^[17]

According to an FAQ document published by the party in 2005, the NBP "advocates social justice in the economy, imperial dominance in foreign policy, and civil and political freedoms in domestic politics" and that "a National Bolshevik state is harsh on the outside, against external enemies, and soft on the inside, for its own citizens (unlike today's Russia, whose government constantly compromises national interests on the global stage while oppressing its own people)." In economic policy, the document called for nationalisation of oligarch property and for state funds to be redistributed as reparations for privatisation; in foreign policy, it claimed as the party's goal the restoration of the USSR "as a counterweight to the growing appetites of the United States" but also to "fight against creeping Chinese expansion"; in domestic policy, it condemned Vladimir Putin's administration as "oligarchic, despotic, and anti-national" and the Kadyrov family as a "criminal clan".^[17]

Speaking on the colour revolutions, the document voiced ambivalent support:

The National Bolsheviks are studying the practice of velvet revolutions. We admire the people taking to the streets and squares of Kiev chanting, "We are not cattle! We are not goats!" A bloodless, non-violent revolution is one of the models of action that can lead the opposition to victory. From this perspective, we support the Maidan. On the other hand, it is clear to us that Yushchenko and Saakashvili, who came to power through a velvet coup, are politicians hostile to Russia and puppets of the West. In this sense, the National Bolshevik Party is a staunch opponent of such "orange" forces.^[17]

Counterculture

Since its formation, the National Bolshevik Party has had relationships with the Russian counterculture in Russia, the post-Soviet countries, and Israel.^[11][15] National Bolsheviks often used shock aesthetics from the punk subculture in their propaganda.^[22][23] The NBP attracted a significant number of artists, punk musicians, and rock bands;^[24][25] bands involved in the party included Kalinov Most,^[2] Volshebnaya Gora [ru], Korrozia Metalla, Zapreshchennye barabanshchiki [ru], Krasnye Zvezdy [ru], Pop-Mechanics,^[11], Nozh dlya frau Myuller [ru], Banda chetyryokh [ru],^[17] Rodina [ru], Instruktsiya po Vyzhivaniyu, and Grazhdanskaya Oborona.^[26] Some of these bands performed as part of the NBP-affiliated rock project Russkiy proryv ("Russian Breakthrough").^[27]

1992–2000: origins and early years

In 1992, Eduard Limonov founded the National Bolshevik Front (NBF) as an amalgamation of six minor groups.^[29] Aleksandr Dugin was among the earliest members and was instrumental in convincing Limonov to enter politics. The front first attracted attention in the same year when two members were arrested for possessing grenades. The incident gave the NBF publicity for a boycott campaign they were organizing against Western goods.^[30] The NBF joined forces with the National Salvation Front (NSF), which was a broad coalition of Russian communists and nationalists.^[31]

The NSF was one of the leading groups involved in the 1993 Russian constitutional crisis, and Limonov participated in the clashes near the White House in Moscow on the side of the anti-Yeltsin opposition.^[32] When others within the coalition began to speak out against the NBF, it withdrew from the alliance.^[33]

On 1 May 1993, Limonov and Dugin signed the declaration of the founding of the NBP:^[3]

The political struggle in Russia has reached a critical point. The resistance phase has exhausted itself, and therefore the traditional opposition (merely emotional, purely protest-based) has exhausted itself. The period of resistance is over, and a period of national uprising is beginning.

This new stage requires new methods, new forms, and new instruments of political struggle. Therefore, we deem it necessary to create a radical political and ideological structure of a new, unprecedented type, designed to adequately respond to the challenge of History. Let there be National Bolshevism!

What is National Bolshevism? The fusion of the most radical forms of social resistance with the most radical forms of national resistance is National Bolshevism.

Along with Dugin and Limonov, a co-founding member of the party was Siberian punk musician Yegor Letov, who was invited by Limonov. According to Limonov, Letov's membership in the party drew "thousands of recruits over the years", but he "proved to be inconsistent, capricious, and unpredictable". Letov left the party around 1996.^[2] Other prominent musicians who were members of the NBP included Sergey Kuryokhin, Sergei "Pauk" Troitsky of Korrozia Metalla, Dmitry Revyakin of Kalinov Most, Limonov's then-wife Nataliya Medvedeva,^[2] Aleksandr Nepomnyashchiy, and Roman Konoplev.^[11] Artists who collaborated with the party included writers Alexei Tsvetkov and Zakhar Prilepin, filmmaker Oleg Mavromati, and mathematician Misha Verbitsky.^[15]

On 28 November 1994, Limonov founded the Limonka, the official newspaper of the NBP.^{[citation needed]}

In 1998, Dugin left the NBP after a conflict with Limonov.^[16][34] This led to the party moving further left in Russia's political spectrum, and led to members of the party denouncing Dugin and his group as fascists.^[12] Dugin later established the Eurasia Party, which endorses a significantly more radical nationalist and socially conservative view of National Bolshevism.^[35]

2001–2003: arrest of Eduard Limonov

Limonov and some National Bolsheviks were jailed in April 2001 on charges of terrorism, the forced overthrow of the constitutional order, and the illegal purchase of weapons. Based on an article published in Limonka under Limonov's byline,^[36] the government accused Limonov of planning to start an armed insurgency in Kazakhstan.^[37]

After Limonov's arrest, party members started activities (including direct action stunts) against Putin's government.^[38] In 2002, NBP members participated in Anticapitalism 2002, a demonstration of far-left forces in Moscow.^[39] National Bolsheviks clashed with OMON.^[40] In 2003, Limonov was released from Lefortovo Prison.^[41]

2004–2007: in opposition to the government

Since 2004, the NBP has formed alliances with other opposition forces, both far-left and right-wing. In 2004, Limonov signed the declaration titled "Russia without Putin."^[42] In August 2006, a right-wing anti-Limonov faction of the NBP formed the National Bolshevik Front,^[43] which became officially affiliated with Dugin's Eurasian Youth Union.^[15]

On 2 August 2006, Limonov filed a complaint with the European Court of Human Rights regarding Rosreestr's refusal to officially register the NBP as a political party, claiming that this refusal is "an act of state suppression of the political opposition in the Russian Federation." In its refusal, dated January 2006, Rosreestr determined that the NBP's founding congress lacked a quorum and that its program "contains elements of nationalist agendas expressed in the stated goal of protecting the rights of Russian and Russian-speaking people," which violates Article 9 of the Law "On Political Parties."^[44]

The NBP became a prominent member of The Other Russia coalition of opposition parties.^[13] In 2007, the NBP members took part in a Dissenters' March and other subsequent demonstrations against the government.^[45]

2007–2010: outlawed and aftermath

The NBP was banned by a Russian lower court in June 2005; the Supreme Court of Russia overturned that ban on 16 August 2005. In November 2005, the Supreme Court upheld a ban on the party on the grounds that the NBP called itself a political party without being registered as such.^{[citation needed]}

On 19 April 2007, the Moscow City Court, pursuant to Articles 7 and 9 of the Federal Law "On Combating Extremist Activity", declared the NBP to be extremist and banned its activities in Russia; on 7 August, the Supreme Court of Russia upheld this decision,^[46] recognizing the NBP as an extremist organization and confirming the ban.^[47] The decision was based on three incidents:

• A warning issued to the Chelyabinsk branch of the NBP for several publications in its newspaper, PARA BELLUM, in 2005-2006, for which three of its authors were convicted on charges of inciting ethnic hatred, calling for extremist activity, and attempting to organize mass riots. However, this group of Chelyabinsk National Bolsheviks led an intra-party split composed of a consistently nationalist-oriented section of the NBP activists dissatisfied with the leadership's new political course. As a result, a large group of NBP members, including those responsible for these publications, were expelled from the NBP by a decision of the NBP Political Council on 11 March 2006. This was followed by a public disassociation from the "Chelyabinsk splitters" on the NBP website, which, among other things, stated that one of them had been expelled for an article that later figured in his case;
• A direct action at a session of the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg on 22 November 2006 by three National Bolsheviks who distributed leaflets and allegedly used violence against police officers;
• A direct action at a polling station in Odintsovo, Moscow Oblast, on 11 March 2007, during the elections to the Moscow Oblast Duma, by three National Bolsheviks, who lit smoke flares, attempted to distribute leaflets, and overturned a ballot box, and also injured the hand of the chairperson of the election commission who tried to stop them.^[48][49]

By 2008, the St. Petersburg court dropped the criminal prosecutions of the activists who participated in the action at the Legislative Assembly. On this basis, Limonov insisted that this annulled one of the counts for which the party was recognised as extremist and appealed for the Supreme Court to review the case in light of this. However, this appeal was denied on 1 April 2008.^[50]

Regarding the ban, Moscow Helsinki Group activist Lyudmila Alexeyeva stated:

The NBP has evolved from a shocking hooligan party to a normal party with democratic ideals. And now it's being accused of extremism. If they had previously declared the Movement Against Illegal Immigration, the Union of Orthodox Banner-Bearers, and other such people, and the NBP along with them, extremists, and then said they didn't look into it, took it as a whole, didn't notice the evolution... But no, they did notice — that's precisely why they declared it. If Limonov hadn't joined The Other Russia, I assure you, it would have existed peacefully.^[51]

Human rights activist Lev Ponomaryov stated:

The National Bolsheviks were a fairly extremist organization ten years ago, but they're being tried for what they represent now, and now they stand for civil rights and freedoms.^[51]

In 2009, former NBP members took part in Strategy-31, a series of civic protests in support of the right to peaceful assembly.^[52][53] In July 2010, the National Bolsheviks founded a new political party, The Other Russia of E. V. Limonov.^[14]

In September 2021, the European Court of Human Rights found that there was a violation of Article 11 of the European Convention on Human Rights on account of the dissolution of the NBP association in 2004 and on account of the refusal to register the NBP as a political party, and awarded €10,000 jointly to Limonov's two teenage children and four party members, including Aleksandr Averin and Andrei Dmitriev.^[54][55]

Notable direct actions

On 24 August 1999, sixteen NBP activists occupied a tower of the Sailors' Club in Sevastopol on Ukraine's Independence Day, hanging the party flag from the building and distributing leaflets. The protest was performed under the slogan "Sevastopol is a Russian city!" and aimed against "Ukraine's occupation of Sevastopol, the State Duma's ratification of the treaty with Ukraine, and Ukraine's accession to NATO." The occupation lasted for over two hours until the building was stormed by Russian marines from the Black Sea Fleet and the activists were arrested by Ukrainian police. Some of the activists were sentenced to prison.^[57]

On 17 November 2000, NBP activists seized the belltower of St. Peter's Church in Riga, threatening to detonate a hand grenade and demanding that the Latvian government "immediately release all Soviet war veterans languishing behind bars, grant equal rights to Russians in Latvia, and renounce the bid to join NATO" as well as release NBP members in custody in Latvia. During the occupation, the activists unfurled an NBP flag from the tower and a banner with the slogan, "Freedom for our veterans". After two hours, the activists surrendered, and it was later revealed that the grenade was a fake. Three of the activists, all Russian citizens, were charged with terrorism, but during the trial, their charges were reduced to hooliganism; they were extradited to Russia and released by 2003.^[58][59]

During Prince Charles' tour of the Baltic states in 2001, a member of the Latvian branch of the NBP hit Charles' face with a flower in an act of protest against the war in Afghanistan.^[60][61] During the 2002 Prague summit, two NBP members threw tomatoes at Secretary General of NATO George Robertson, shouting, "NATO is worse than the Gestapo", "no to the expansion of NATO", and "the blood of children is on your hands" in Russian.^[62][63]

On 3 December 2003, NBP activists occupied the roof of the Ministry of Justice building in Moscow as a protest against the Ministry's fifth refusal to register the NBP as a political party and unfair elections. Some activists forced their way inside and attempted to deliver a petition for registration to Minister of Justice Yury Chaika, while others held a rally by the entrance of the building. The activists hung banners from the roof with the slogans "Freedom or death!" and "We will teach you to love the constitution!". The activists were detained after the protest.^[64]

On 3 March 2004, NBP members occupied the United Russia headquarters in Moscow in protest against Putin and government policy. All protestors, as well as Kommersant correspondent Oleg Kashin, were detained afterward.^[65] On 22 June 2004, NBP activists occupied the German Industrial Trade Center in Moscow on the anniversary of the German invasion of the Soviet Union, unfurling a banner with the inscription, "Never forget! Never forgive!" and chanting "Russia is everything, everything else is nothing" and "Putin is a German spy."^[66][67] On 2 August 2004, a group of NBP members occupied the Ministry of Health and Social Development building in Moscow in protest against social benefits reform. During the occupation, they stormed the office of Minister of Health Mikhail Zurabov, who was not there at the time.^[68][69] Police arrested most of the participants, and on 12 December 2004, seven activists were found guilty of "hooliganism and intentional damage to property" and each sentenced to five years in prison.^[70] On 14 December 2004, NBP members occupied the presidential-administration visitors' room to protest against government policy. Police arrested thirty-nine activists, with many of them being sentenced to prison.^[71]

On 25 September 2006, National Bolsheviks occupied the Ministries of Finances building in Moscow to protest against liberal economic policy.^[72][73][74]

Israel

An Israeli chapter of the NBP, known as Another Israel, was active in the mid-2000s. It was influenced by Eurasianism, supporting Israel on the grounds that it is geopolitically located in "Eurasia", while also maintaining a critical stance of the government of Ariel Sharon. They were in close contact with the Russian branch.^[76]

Latvia

Latvia's NBP has had members hold office in Riga,^[77] and has executed notable publicity stunts, but it remains largely marginal there.^[78] The Latvian branch has been led by Vladimir Linderman and Benes Ayo.^{[79][80][81][82][83]} In 2003, Linderman was accused of storing explosives and of calling for the overthrow of the political system.^[84] He left Latvia and moved to Russia. In 2005, during the visit of George W. Bush in Latvia, local national Bolsheviks and the Vanguard of Red Youth organized meetings "against American imperialism". Police broke up a demonstration and arrested its participants.^[85][86] The Latvian NBP was also active in anti-capitalist demonstrations and in anti-Nazi blockades during Remembrance Day of the Latvian Legionnaires.^[87][88]

Moldova

A chapter of the NBP existed in Moldova.^[89]

Sweden

A chapter of the NBP existed in Sweden. ^[90]

Ukraine

Largely based in Eastern Ukraine, the NBP initially joined forces with other small parties and signed a "Declaration of the Kiev Council of Slav Radical Nationalists" together with Ukrainian nationalists.^[91] Later, Ukrainian National Bolsheviks participated in demonstrations against Ukrainian nationalists on the anniversary of the founding of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army.^[92] National Bolsheviks also organized actions against the rapprochement of Ukraine–NATO relations.^[93] During the Orange Revolution, the Ukrainian NBP decided to remain neutral. National Bolsheviks also formed armed troop interbrigades and participated in the war in Donbas.^[94][95]

United States

An NBP chapter existed in the United States around 2005. It espoused a Third Positionist worldview, describing itself as "Beyond the Left and Right" and rejecting both capitalism and Marxism.^[96]

Current

Until banning of the NBP in 2007

Films

• Sud nad prizrakom (2002)
• Saratov (2002)
• Fuck off Mr. Bond! (2002)
• Da, smert (2004)
• Zuby drakona (2005)
• Les Enfants terribles de Vladimir Vladimirovitch Poutine (2006)
• The Revolution That Wasn't (2008)
• Utopie Russe (2014)
• Can't Get You Out of My Head (2021)

Books

By Eduard Limonov

• Anatomy of a Hero (1997)
• My Political Biography (2002)
• Russian Psycho (2003)
• The Other Russia (2003)

By other authors

• Ultranormalnost (2005), a novel by Natan Dubovitskiy
• Generation of Limonka (2005),^[103] a collection of short stories by multiple young Russian authors
• The Gospel of the Extremist (2005), a novel by Roman Konoplev
• Sankya (2006), a novel by Zakhar Prilepin
• The Way of the Hongweibin (2006), a novel by Dmitri Zhvaniya
• A Russian Diary: A Journalist's Final Account of Life, Corruption, and Death in Putin's Russia a book by Anna Politkovskaya
• Truth of the Trenches of the Chechen War (2007),^[104] a collection of articles by multiple Russian authors
• 12 Who Don't Agree (2009), a non-fiction book by Valery Panyushkin
• Girls of the Party (2011), a photo-album by Sergei Belyak
• Limonka to Prison (2012),^[105][106] a novel by NBP political prisoners
• Limonov (2011), a biographical novel by Emmanuel Carrère
• Religion of the Furious (2013), a novel by Ekaterina Rysk

Other

• Orda, a comic book by Igor Baranko