Post-fascism
Ideological shift from fascism to more mainstream conservatism
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Post-fascism is a label describing political parties and movements which have transitioned from a fascist political ideology toward a more moderate, mainstream form of conservatism. While they have largely abandoned totalitarian methods to participate fully in a liberal democratic system, they still retain several core, non-totalitarian characteristics of fascism. These typically include neo-nationalism, anti-communism, anti-liberalism, and an ongoing skepticism toward liberal democracy.[1]
The term democratic fascism has also been used.[2][3] Since the 21st century, several overtly fascist parties in Europe have pivoted toward this ideology to achieve electoral dominance. This strategic shift has allowed them to enter or lead coalition governments in multiple nations, most notably exemplified by Brothers of Italy following their victory in the 2022 Italian general election.[4]
Definition
Political philosopher Gáspár Miklós Tamás, who first defined post-fascism, stated in 2018:
"I have coined the term post-fascism to describe a cluster of policies, practices, routines and ideologies which can be observed everywhere in the contemporary world. Without ever resorting to a coup d'etat, these practices are threatening our communities. They find their niche easily in the new global capitalism, without upsetting the dominant political forms of electoral democracy and representative government. Except in Central Europe, they have little or nothing to do with the legacy of Nazism. They are not totalitarian; not at all revolutionary; not based on violent mass movements or irrationalist, voluntarist philosophies. Nor are they toying, even in jest, with anti-capitalism. I should define what I mean by the term "post-fascist". I take the term "fascism" to refer to a break with the enlightenment tradition of citizenship as a universal entitlement; that is to say, with its assimilation of the civic condition to the human condition. It is this concept of universal citizenship that underpinned the notion of progress shared by liberal, social democrat and all the other assorted progressive heirs of the Enlightenment. Once the Enlightenment equated citizenship with human dignity in this way, its extension to all classes, professions, both sexes, all races, creeds, and locations was only a matter of time. Universal franchise, the national service, and state education for all had to follow. National solidarity demanded, moreover, the relief of the estate of Man, a dignified material existence for all, and the eradication of the remnants of personal servitude."[5]
Historian and journalist Isaac Stanley-Becker describes the differences between traditional fascism and Tamas' concept, particularly as in regards to Hungary and Victor Orban:
Post-fascism doesn't involve paramilitaries or do away with elections outright. It operates by stripping certain groups, such as immigrants and sexual minorities, of full citizenship. In place of theories of a master race, its rationale is based on perceived cultural incompatibility or civilizational defense. It is not utopian but cynical and bureaucratic.[6]
Journalist Claudio Tito, taking the case of parties in Italy, also highlights that post-fascism seeks to establish a fascist state through democratic processes and institutions.[7]
Locations
Tamás writes that "post-fascism is not unique to Central Europe. Far from it", although its appearance in Germany, Austria, and Hungary "are important, for historical reasons."[8]
Italy
The Italian Social Movement (Movimento Sociale Italiano, MSI) was a neo-fascist political party established in Italy in 1946 by former members of the National Fascist Party and the Republican Fascist Party.[citation needed] Despite being an explicitly fascist party, the MSI included a post-fascist faction headed by Arturo Michelini and Alfredo Covelli, who favoured political cooperation with moderate conservative parties, such as the Christian Democracy, the Monarchist National Party and the Italian Liberal Party.[citation needed]
In 1977, a moderate faction of the MSI led by Covelli split away and established National Democracy (Democrazia Nazionale, DN), the first real post-fascist party in Italy. Covelli attempted to create an alliance between DN and the Christian Democracy, but electoral results were very poor and DN was eventually disbanded in 1979.[9]
The MSI eventually repudiated fascism in a party congress held in Fiuggi in 1995, where the party voted to disband itself and transform into National Alliance (Alleanza Nazionale, AN),[10][11] a party which has been labeled by several scholars and journalists, including academic Roger Griffin, as a "post-fascist" party.[12] A minority faction in the MSI, led by Pino Rauti, refused to abandon fascism and created a new party called Social Movement Tricolour Flame.[13]
The right-wing party Brothers of Italy (Fratelli d'Italia, FdI),[14] which was established in 2012 by several former members of AN and currently leads the government of Italy, has also been described as a post-fascist party by several media reports,[4][15] and academics.[16][page needed][17][page needed]
Chile
In 1938, the National Falange party was founded, mainly by young, radicalised conservatives. The radical party's origins can be traced back to the rise of left-wing and far-left parties, mainly by discontent in their economic and social stances. The National Falange broke off from the Conservative Party. In 1957, National Falange merged with the Social Christian Party, the second party to secede from the Conservative Party. This merger founded the Christian Democratic Party, who advocated for staunch reforms economically, and socially.
Hungary
While Viktor Orbán, Hungary's longest-serving prime minister, describes his ideology as "illiberalism", at least two observers (Isaac Stanley-Becker and Hungarian poet Renátó Fehér) prefer the term post fascism. In 2014, after Orban announced his plans for what he called an "illiberal state," Tamás himself warned of Orban's danger, in an interview in which Tamás urged the public to read between the lines. Orban "told us that he will not be removed by elections," Tamás declared, and predicted that "those who are against him must be prepared for the grimmest struggle."[6]
Russia
In a 2016 interview, Tamás compared Orbán and Vladimir Putin, stating that like Putin in Russia and Recep Tayyip Erdoğan in Türkiye, Orban had used financial carrots and sticks against opposition media, politicians, and their supporters, human rights groups, 'Soros-financed NGOs', etc. but had not arrested and assassinated his enemies.[18]
