Talk:Kurdistan Workers' Party

I noticed someone added in the ideology section Stalinism and Maoism from 1978-2005. I don't believe the source substantiated this claim of Stalinism. and as for Maoism there is no source. While they were Marxist Leninist from 1979-2005. I don't think the label of Stalinism and Maoism is accurate in this context and should best be removed. unless a better source is provided SKFFL (talk) 19:52, 12 May 2025 (UTC)

I agree. PearLover89 (talk) 06:26, 16 May 2025 (UTC)

I noticed that Stalinism was kept, and someone added back Maoism. to make a more detailed argument... there is such a thing as movement that where Stalinist. the Tadeh party in Iran or the Peoples party in Albania with Enver Hoxia, was what they called anti-revisionist (opposed the reforms made in the Soviet Union after Stalin died in favor of Stalin.) the ideologies were defined the defense of the policies of those leaders. if you check the history of the PKK. they do not revere or model themselves after the policies of Stalin or Mao in their literature. not to mention the group was founded in the late 70s which was 20+ years after Stalin died. and at the time got support from Brezhnev's Ussr. also, if you look at the article where Stalinism is cited, it was used by one journalist as an offhand pejorative of allegations of authoritarianism by the YPG. whether true or not it is an organization autonomous from the PKK much like PJAK. if someone has a credible source for when the PKK labeled themselves Stalinist, Maoist, anti-revisionist. cite them or take these labels down. SKFFL (talk) 01:52, 17 June 2025 (UTC)

IN SUPPORT OF THIS SUGGESTION

The PKK has never been a Maoist organization. They have always been supportive of the USSR and kept undercover relations with the KGB as well. They never labelled the USSR as a social imperialist country; they didn't see Mao as a classic of Marxism-Leninism. They were neutral against the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. Before the 12th of September coup, the PKK was constantly fighting with Maoist-Hoxhaist groups such as TDKP (Revolutionary Communist Party of Turkey) and TKP-ML Hareketi (Communist Party of Turkey Marxist-Leninist Movement). Haki Karer, one of the most important founders of the PKK, was killed by Sterka Sor—a Kurdish Maoist group that saw the Soviet Kurdistan Uezd as another colonized part of Kurdistan—because he said the USSR was a socialist country and the Kurdistan Uezd was not a colony in a public discussion. I am leaving some issues of Serxwebun here; it is possible to find sections that are in support of the USSR and Cuba in these issues:

Serxwebun 26 (1984 February)

Serxwebun 39 (1985 March)

Also, sections in support of USSR in the "Road of the Kurdistan Revolution-Manifest" by Abdullah Ocalan:

"The Turkish and Iranian armies have taken on the role of imperialism’s enforcers in the region. The new form of colonialism being developed in these two countries necessitates the relentless suppression of the revolutionary movement.

All these factors highlight why the revolutionary struggle of the peoples of the Middle East is so difficult, and at the same time explain why the popular movements in the Middle East will strike a blow to the very heart of imperialism. Imperialism, whose power has been largely shattered in Asia and Africa, will suffer a major blow in the Middle East—which serves as a pivotal point between these two continents and the Soviet Union—and will thus enter a process of ultimate collapse.

Socialist countries—and the socialist movement represented by national liberation and working-class movements—are gradually pushing back against imperialism despite the obstacles posed by various deviations, creating conditions more favorable than ever before for independence, democracy, and socialism, and for even the smallest nations to achieve victory—if they dare to fight."

page 59

"b) The situation in socialist countries:

One of the goals of the fascist clique that started the war was to destroy the USSR. However, the USSR not only emerged victorious from the war but also managed to avoid isolation. With the help of the Soviet Red Army, the Popular Fronts established in Eastern Europe to fight fascism seized state power after the war. Communists active within the People’s Fronts won their struggle against the bourgeois democratic parties and established People’s Republics, which were a preliminary form of the dictatorship of the proletariat. With the establishment of People’s Republics throughout Eastern Europe, the Soviet Union’s isolation came to an end. Socialist countries, which sought close cooperation among themselves in the economic, political, cultural, and military spheres, embarked on the struggle to build a socialist economy and achieved great successes in this area.

In the face of the economic and military blockade imposed by the imperialist system, the existence of a community of socialist countries that have developed by relying on their own strengths is one of the most significant phenomena of our time. It is impossible not to see the influence of socialist countries in every social event that occurs even in the most remote corners of the world. The existence of a socialist world is one of the most important factors in the success of anti-fascist and national liberation movements. In colonized countries, revolution is possible through the existence of the socialist system in opposition to the imperialist system, as well as through the active support and assistance provided by that system. While national liberation movements are at the forefront of the forces bringing about the collapse of imperialism, the driving force behind the success of these movements is the socialist system.

This is evident in the socialist system’s direct, decisive impact on imperialism; the great success of the socialist economy; the stable structure of socialist economies in contrast to the constant crises of capitalist economies; the achievements in the political, military, and cultural spheres; and the superiority gained over imperialism based on all these achievements. Imperialist states can no longer act solely on the basis of their own strength, as they once did, in their struggles against the countries they keep under their domination and among themselves; they must also take the existence of socialist countries into account as a countervailing factor.

The existence of socialist countries is a constant source of liberation, enlightenment, and inspiration in the eyes of the peoples of the world."

page 53-54 Oktobr.1917 (talk) 11:00, 3 August 2026 (UTC)

I lean on the side that anything in the info box should be reflected in the article. If something is nuanced and requiring further explanation its best not to use the infobox. I'd say that applies well here. SP00KYtalk 15:08, 4 August 2026 (UTC)

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~2026-36209-8 (talk) 11:59, 17 January 2026 (UTC)

 Not done: it's not clear what changes you want made. Please detail the specific changes in a "change X to Y" format and provide a reliable source if appropriate. Laura240406 (talk) 13:16, 17 January 2026 (UTC)

isn't öcalan explicitly anti nationalist nowadays? ~2026-27769-20 (talk) 11:29, 31 May 2026 (UTC)

We following here WP:RS who describes them as this. Shadow4dark (talk) 11:46, 31 May 2026 (UTC)

I question whether the current opening description gives appropriate prominence to the PKK's terrorist designations. The first sentence describes the organization as a “Kurdish militant political organization and armed guerrilla group”, while its designation as a terrorist organization by multiple governments and international bodies is addressed separately later in the lead. I am not suggesting that “guerrilla group” is necessarily an inaccurate description where supported by reliable sources. However, given the significance and breadth of the terrorist designations, I think the lead should consider mentioning both aspects prominently and with appropriate attribution, rather than allowing the initial description to give readers an incomplete impression of the organization's status.

Oswald Quinsley (talk) 03:36, 9 August 2026 (UTC)

I question the use of the “disputed” qualifier attached to Kurdish nationalism in the ideology field. The PKK's historical origins in Kurdish nationalism and its original objective of establishing an independent Kurdish state are extensively documented in reliable academic literature and are also discussed in the article itself.

I recognise that the organisation's ideology and stated objectives subsequently evolved, particularly following Abdullah Öcalan's abandonment of the goal of an independent Kurdish nation-state and development of democratic confederalism. However, this ideological evolution is different from saying that the organisation's association with Kurdish nationalism is itself “disputed”.

Could someone clarify which reliable sources establish a significant scholarly dispute over describing the PKK as Kurdish nationalist? If the dispute concerns whether the contemporary PKK should still be characterised as nationalist, rather than its historical ideology, I think that distinction should be made explicit rather than applying a general “disputed” qualifier.

Oswald Quinsley (talk) 03:38, 9 August 2026 (UTC)

I believe it's disputed because Öcalan, upon being captured, was pleading, "Let's work together", "My allegiance is to the Turkish republic." he was saying things like that (not exactly of course, but there's records of him doing so) however again the leader doesn't have to solely describe the group??? It's defined as a Kurdish-nationalist group more often by Turkish groups, although their actions may look as nationalist, it's more-so a "solution" to the Kurdish Problems via Marxist-Leninism, Abdullah Öcakan himself wouldn't be described as a nationalist, considering he gave speeches in Turkish, and was definitely more Marxist-Leninist leaning. I believe Kurdish Nationalism shouldn't be deleted entirely though, it should remain disputed.

Feel free to disagree as always!

Take care,

Flurrilicious (talk) 16:01, 2 September 2026 (UTC)