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Talk:Male privilege/Archive 6

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Adding a criticisms section is warranted

If nobody objects, I will be adding a section on criticism to the article as this theory/idea/whatever you want to call it has been roundly challenged Tiggy The Terrible (talk) 09:43, 1 January 2022 (UTC)

I agree, a criticism section is sorely needed. "In scientific reasoning, a hypothesis is an assumption made before any research has been completed for the sake of testing. A theory on the other hand is a principle set to explain phenomena already supported by data." — Merriam Webster
I contend that the male privilege hypothesis is not supported adequately by data. From this article's overview section:

Positive advantages include having such things as adequate nutrition1, shelter2, and health care3, whereas negative advantages accompanying male privilege include such things as the expectation that a man will have a better chance than a comparably qualified woman of being hired for a job4, as well as being paid more than a woman for the same job5.

Let us go over these claims and show why they are wrong and that indeed in some cases, the opposite holds.
1. The authors of Boys are more likely to be undernourished than girls: a systematic review and meta-analysis of sex differences in undernutrition (Thurstand et al., 2020) state:

Results 74 studies were identified: 44/74 studies were included in the meta-analysis. In 20 which examined wasting, boys had higher odds of being wasted than girls (pooled OR 1.26, 95% CI 1.13 to 1.40). 38 examined stunting: boys had higher odds of stunting than girls (pooled OR 1.29 95% CI 1.22 to 1.37). 23 explored underweight: boys had higher odds of being underweight than girls (pooled OR 1.14, 95% CI 1.02 to 1.26). There was some limited evidence that the female advantage, indicated by a lower risk of stunting and underweight, was weaker in South Asia than other parts of the world. 43/74 (58%) studies discussed possible reasons for boy/girl differences; 10/74 (14%) cited studies with similar findings with no further discussion; 21/74 (28%) had no sex difference discussion. 6/43 studies (14%) postulated biological causes, 21/43 (49%) social causes and 16/43 (37%) to a combination.

Conclusion Our review indicates that undernutrition in children under 5 is more likely to affect boys than girls, though the magnitude of these differences varies and is more pronounced in some contexts than others. Future research should further explore reasons for these differences and implications for nutrition policy and practice. In every country, men die younger than women, yet research is mostly targeted at women.

2. Men make up the vast majority of rough sleepers. See here for data from the UK where men make up around 86% of rough sleepers, although this is a global pattern. There have been multiple cases where men have been denied homeless shelter on the basis of their sex, see e.g. here, here and here (page 2).
3. In the UK, prostate cancer now kills more people than breast cancer, yet receives less than half the funding. In general, women's health services receive more funding than services for men and all across the globe, women have a higher life expectancy.
4. Evidence on this claim is mixed. The authors of Gender Discrimination in Hiring: Evidence from a Cross-National Harmonized Field Experiment (Birkelund et al., 2021) state:

Our findings suggest that although employers operate in quite different institutional contexts, they regard female applicants as more suitable for jobs in female-dominated occupations, [all other things being equal], while we find no evidence that they regard male applicants as more suitable anywhere.

[W]e need to update our knowledge of gender discrimination and the belief that women are always the disadvantaged group. This belief might have been correct earlier, but today, at least for the occupations we examined [(cook, receptionist, store assistant, payroll clerk, software developer and sales representative)], we found no evidence of hiring discrimination against female job applicants in any of the six countries included. Rather, we observed hiring discrimination against males in female-dominated jobs, whereas female applicants were favoured in female-dominated occupations and not discriminated in the other occupations we included.

They also explain why this is not at odds with previous findings:

However surprising, the presented evidence is not at odds with previous research on hiring discrimination. The key to explaining divergent results likely lies in the occupations studied. For balanced studies, including both female- and male-dominated occupations, and gender-neutral occupations, the aggregate outcome would be close to zero gender discrimination in hiring. For more unbalanced studies, like the GEMM study, which includes two clearly female-typed occupations, and only one strongly male-dominated occupation, we might expect an aggregated pattern showing hiring discrimination against men. In principle, the same logic should apply for unbalanced studies including a higher proportion of male dominated occupations, but then we would expect an aggregated pattern of hiring discrimination of females. Yet the findings regarding the male-dominated occupation we included cast doubts on the symmetrical nature of hiring discrimination by gender. Interestingly, when scholars plan to study gender differences in hiring discrimination, we tend to think about discrimination of women, not men, yet previous experiments seem to include more female- than male-dominated occupations. More research including more occupations is needed.

Similar results can be found in Gender discrimination in hiring: An experimental reexamination of the Swedish case (Ahmed et al., 2021):

Male applicants were about half as likely as female applicants to receive a positive employer response in female-dominated occupations. For male-dominated and mixed occupations we found no significant differences in positive employer responses between male and female applicants.

See also In-group gender bias in hiring: Real-world evidence (Carlsson & Eriksson, 2019) which found:

We investigate in-group gender bias in real-world hiring decisions by combining administrative data with data from a large-scale field experiment on hiring in which fictitious resumes with randomly assigned information about gender were sent to Swedish employers. Our results suggest that women (female recruiters or firms with a high share of female employees) favor women in the recruitment process. In contrast, we do not find much evidence that men (male recruiters or firms with a high share of male employees) favor men.

This is consistent with other results from psychology that women have a strong automatic in-group preference, whereas men lack such a mechanism and also favor women (see e.g. Gender Differences in Automatic In-Group Bias: Why Do Women Like Women More Than Men Like Men?, Rudman & Goodwin, 2004).
5. The available evidence shows that once variables such as job choice, hours worked, commute time, educational background, etc. are taken into account, the gender pay gap effectively disappears. See e.g. payscale (2021) which finds the controlled gender pay gap (the "median salary for men and women with the same job and qualifications") to be merely 2%. An in-depth global analysis by Korn Ferry (2018) of 12.3 million employees in 14,284 companies in 53 countries across the globe found that for the same level, same company, and same function, a woman earns about 99.5 cents for every dollar a man makes, whereas in the US that figure was found to be 99.1 cents for every dollar a man makes. Both of the aforementioned studies do not account for all variables, such as the likelihood of negotiating one's salary and choosing non-wage benefits such as health-insurances which could account for the unexplained differences in earnings. Starowner (talk) 12:45, 1 January 2022 (UTC)
I will second this and add that, at the very least, the page needs to mention the key critics of this theory. Warren Farrel's "The Myth Of Male Power" should be on here. As should this Journal article. perhaps NightHeron would like to weigh in on this. Surely this concept is not immune to criticism? Tiggy The Terrible (talk) 21:21, 1 January 2022 (UTC)
By what metric have you determined that those two are "key critics"? GorillaWarfare (she/her • talk) 21:45, 1 January 2022 (UTC)
Warren Farrel is a political scientist, a famous feminist, and critic of modern feminism who is semi famous and has a long track record as an opposing voice on TV and radio. The other was intended as a balance, as it's a feminist author criticising the concept of universal male privilege from within feminism. Considering Farrel has been on TV multiple times, was chosen by The Financial Times of London as "one of the world’s top 100 thought leaders", was in charge of a chapter of NOW, and has many other accolades I really think he has earnt a small mention in the criticism section of this hypothesis about men. And even if he hasn't, there is plenty of precedence for a criticism section to simply use facts and figures that are freely available to discuss an opposing point of view. If you feel the opposing arguments are as weak as has been said before, I have no doubt you would have no problem citing sources against them Tiggy The Terrible (talk) 19:34, 2 January 2022 (UTC)
I also have an extremely academic book called "Perspectives in Male Psychology" which is very well reviewed. Its goal is totally avoid politics and simply apply science to gender and test theories scientifically. Tiggy The Terrible (talk) 20:33, 2 January 2022 (UTC)
(I will continue this at the bottom of the page.) — Preceding unsigned comment added by TiggyTheTerrible (talk • contribs) 21:38, 2 January 2022 (UTC)

Creating the Criticism Section

Fixing sources on the page

Semi-protected edit request on 3 January 2022

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