Talk:Science/Archive 7

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Scientific practice

I find the introductory section to "Scientific practice" confusing. For reference, I cut and past it here:

"If a man will begin with certainties, he shall end in doubts; but if he will be content to begin with doubts, he shall end in certainties." —Francis Bacon (1605) The Advancement of Learning, Book 1, v, 8
A skeptical point of view, demanding a method of proof, was the practical position taken as early as 1000 years ago, with Alhazen, Doubts Concerning Ptolemy, through Bacon (1605), and C. S. Peirce (1839–1914), who note that a community will then spring up to address these points of uncertainty. The methods of inquiry into a problem have been known for thousands of years,[48] and extend beyond theory to practice. The use of measurements, for example, is a practical approach to settle disputes in the community.
John Ziman points out that intersubjective pattern recognition is fundamental to the creation of all scientific knowledge.[49]:p44 Ziman shows how scientists can identify patterns to each other across centuries: Needham 1954 (illustration facing page 164) shows how today's trained Western botanist can identify Artemisia alba from images taken from a 16th-century Chinese pharmacopeia,[50]:p46-47 and Ziman refers to this ability as 'perceptual consensibility'.[50]:p46 Ziman then makes consensibility, leading to consensus, the touchstone of reliable knowledge.[50]:p104

1. First, do we need this quote by Bacon? Maybe something has gotten lost in translation through time, but to my reading it is kind of silly. If you begin with doubt, you end with certainty? Really? One might think that one could start with doubt and still end up with doubt.

2. Then, the first paragraph: First sentence is hard to understand: "A skeptical point of view, demanding a method of proof, was the practical position taken ...". I'm not sure what that means. Also who is demanding "proof"? What is so "practical" about this? My confusion with what is written extends all the way to the last sentence: "The use of measurements, for example, is a practical approach to settle disputes in the community." Who is to say anybody would be satisified using measurement to settle a dispute? Maybe I'm missing something here, is all of this text some sort of quote from a famous text, one where the context has been spelled out, or maybe a translation from some other language?

3. Next paragraph, first sentence: "Ziman points out that intersubjective pattern recognition is fundamental to the creation of all scientific knowledge." Maybe I have to go read about " intersubjective pattern recognition" to understand this. Then, there is a reference to Needham 1954, where the reader is actually pointed to an illustration on a page facing 164. It seems to me to ask a lot for a reader of Wiki to actually track that down and have a look.

For discussion, here, I suggest that all of this material in the introductory section be removed. Isambard Kingdom (talk) 01:37, 16 January 2015 (UTC)

  1. The Bacon quote is about confirmation bias. It is a basic principle of logic: affirming the consequent is a fallacy.
  2. The Skeptics hold a special place because of their historical opposition to fables, which appear to be true, but which fail to drill down to the root cause. Pliny's encyclopedia was especially bad about fantastic creatures which did not exist; the issue was 'how do you really know?' ('what proof do you have?').
  3. There was an illustration of artemisia on the facing page to 164 (from a Chinese botanical book), but which was recognizable to trained botanists from Europe. I think I can restore it. --Ancheta Wis   (talk | contribs) 01:53, 16 January 2015 (UTC)
Somehow, I almost feel like I still disagree, even though I don't understand what you are talking about! Is it reasonable to ask that this material could be presented so that the uninitiated reader could understand, also so an old scientist (like me) could understand? Isambard Kingdom (talk) 01:59, 16 January 2015 (UTC)
Supernova 1987A is a classic example for confirmation bias. Leon Lederman, for teaching physics first, illustrates how to avoid confirmation bias: Ian Shelton, in Chile, was initially skeptical that supernova 1987a was real, but possibly an artifact of instrumentation (null hypothesis), so he went outside and disproved his null hypothesis by observing SN 1987a with the naked eye. The Kamiokande experiment, in Japan, independently observed neutrinos from SN 1987a at the same time. --Ancheta Wis   (talk | contribs) 02:05, 16 January 2015 (UTC)
Okay, but this supposes that there is an observation to make (a subject not mentioned in Bacon's quote), and it assumes that there is no hypothesis alternative to both the supernova and the null hypothesis. One might see the remnants of something in the sky, and reject the null hypothesis of instrument artifact, but the hypothesis of a supernova can still remain unproven (my problem with Bacon's statement). Okay, I might think more about this, but those were the thoughts in my typing fingers. Isambard Kingdom (talk) 02:13, 16 January 2015 (UTC)
I don't want to get too caught up in the supernovae example (which has multiple lines of evidence), but, in general rejection of a null hypothesis (assuming one has good data) does not amount to acceptance of the hypothesis of interest. Isambard Kingdom (talk) 02:22, 16 January 2015 (UTC)
First, let me express my appreciation for your reaction. Only good can come out of this.
You are absolutely right that doubt can still lead to more doubt. ('Most people would rather die than think') It takes a special devotion to get to the answer. As Alhacen said: Truth is sought for its own sake. And those who are interested in anything for its own sake are not interested in other things. The road to truth is rough ... One must examine things for error ruthlessly, even oneself ...
Galileo characterized such a search as wandering fruitlessly in a dark labyrinth. He also identifies the language of mathematics as a way out.
Max Born was confronted with the difficulties behind naive realism as a student and finally identified an approach after 40-50 years (see Born (1964), Natural Philosophy of Cause and Chance). His solution was to use an optical comparator to get two different observers to agree on the color of an object. (Intersubjective pattern recognition).
Operational measurement is another method for determining an intersubjective issue, as a dramatic example: “Show me the manner in which a nation cares for its dead and I will measure with mathematical exactness the tender mercies of its people, their respect for the laws of the land and their loyalty to high ideals.” – Sir William Gladstone
--Ancheta Wis   (talk | contribs) 02:53, 16 January 2015 (UTC)
Ancheta, I think I can accept the ideas we (you and I) are discussing, but the material in the intro to "Scientific practice" is, to me, very confusing. It seems that the Bacon quote might have a context, which, if one is aware of it, allows the quote to be fairly interpreted. At least, that is an extrapolation I suspect might be true (assuming, yes, that Bacon was pretty smart). But a Wiki reader will not likely know that context, and, so, the quote that is given, here, in isolation, either won't make sense to him/her, or it might even cause confusion. Continuing to the remaining text in the intro, that by Skeptics and Ziman, you seem to be aware of the context of those paragraphs, hence your explanations, but I don't know their context, and, indeed, the context is not explained in the very same intro to scientific practice. Maybe all of this can be fixed, but I do think the section needs to be fixed. I don't have the background or knowledge to fix it. Isambard Kingdom (talk) 03:02, 16 January 2015 (UTC)
I also think the introduction to that section needs a complete revamp starting with the quote from Francis Bacon. For starters it is wrong - when people start with certainties normally they just get more entrenched if people start doubting them. And you don't end up with certainties if you start with doubt - you end up by advancing knowledge and getting more light on the subject. The first statement doesn't really explain what skeptical means in the context of science, and we don't get proof, we get confirmation or disproof - and we should be trying to disprove rather than trying to find a proof. The rest is a bit too out of the way and a more common example should be used if any for instance the circulation of the blood or from voltaic piles or the orbit of the moon from the fall of apples - or some famous example like the luminiferous aether theory being shown wrong. Dmcq (talk) 11:54, 16 January 2015 (UTC)
I replaced the missing Artemisia file with a more accessible experiment which can be performed by parents with their newborn child. The practical message here is "talk with your baby!" (or else they will fail to thrive). --Ancheta Wis   (talk | contribs) 08:18, 18 January 2015 (UTC)
I think quotes (if used) should be clearly interpretable in isolation. Examples should be in the body of the section itself, not so much in the introduction of the section. And then the examples should be chosen for balance across fields and illustrative utility. Isambard Kingdom (talk) 12:39, 16 January 2015 (UTC)

Back to Faraday: the italized part of the following quote is emblazoned on a rafter of one of my schools: "Nothing is too wonderful to be true, if it be consistent with the laws of nature; and in such things as these experiment is the best test of such consistency.

Laboratory journal entry #10,040 (19 March 1849)" When the group of us were building this article 10 years ago, our hope was we might attract others, that we might work alongside them, and (speaking as one of the group, because this was all unvoiced) that Faraday's practices could still work. I have no problem with rewrite. Let's do this. --Ancheta Wis   (talk | contribs) 13:45, 16 January 2015 (UTC)

And, Ancheta, that is a wonderful quote! It can be understood as it is, and so possibly useful here, but I do also like the context of "laboratory journal entry". He must have been enjoying some personal moment of reflection. I also like the context of it being emblazoned on a rafter of your school. When I was young, I found such lofty quotes to be exhilarating. Still do. Isambard Kingdom (talk) 13:57, 16 January 2015 (UTC)

Ancheta, can I suggest that we get comments on this section from a larger community of editors. I've never before put in an RFC, but maybe that would be worthwhile. Isambard Kingdom (talk) 15:09, 18 January 2015 (UTC)

It has been my experience that WP processes take on a life of their own. Generally RFCs get personal, which is quite unfortunate for the encyclopedia. Ten years ago, the encyclopedia was more freewheeling; Jimbo Wales started a quality movement which grew to the point that the rapid increase in articles and editors slowed down. Andrew Lih has found that a community of 20 editors is the level needed to keep an article vibrant.
Or perhaps there is now a WP process which keeps RFCs at a high level. --Ancheta Wis   (talk | contribs) 15:45, 18 January 2015 (UTC)
Okay, I understand. Maybe we can just encourage people here to comment. Isambard Kingdom (talk) 16:16, 18 January 2015 (UTC)
Perhaps a new thread to house the comments? The issue of 'doubt versus certainty' is fundamental of course and directly affected the historical acceptance of science in Western Europe, post 1250. But we do not act on the basis of doubt; we act on what we believe. This was a fundamental finding of The Metaphysical Club in Boston, post American Civil War, which gave rise to pragmatism (do what works). That is, 'doubt gives rise to thought', but 'belief gives rise to action'. You can see that C.S. Peirce figures in the argument. It wasn't until I read about The Metaphysical Club that I understood Peirce's statement "logic is rooted in the social principle". Perhaps a new thread to house 'doubt versus certainty'?
There is more: the translators of Alhacen emphasized his promise of certainty; Smith 2001 vol 2, p.573 (via JSTOR), paragraph [2.25] "Moreover, everything we have discussed can be tested by experiment so we will attain certainty about it." Alhacen was enthusiastically taken up in Christendom 200 years after Book of Optics appeared. Of course Kepler 1604 blew this all up with his Ad Vitellionem Paralipomena, or 'Emendations to Witelo'. --Ancheta Wis   (talk | contribs) 18:45, 18 January 2015 (UTC)
A new "thread" or, really, a new subsection heading in the article, might help to focus things. You see, I don't find the material in the *introduction section* of the *practice* section to be a real introduction to practice. The text you are working on (and the quote by Bacon) are about the specific issues you are now highlighting, doubt, belief, etc. That is fine, but it does not, itself, constitute an intro to a much broader set of issues. [Also, just FYI, the picture is of a monkey, not a baby. I find the picture distracting, but I know that is my opinion.] Isambard Kingdom (talk) 18:59, 18 January 2015 (UTC)
The experiment works on a newborn human baby just as well as on a macaque baby. It's 'intersubjective' for both humans and macaques. This demonstrated facility passes fairly quickly because the baby learns more as the parents talk to it. --Ancheta Wis   (talk | contribs) 19:13, 18 January 2015 (UTC)
Okay. I think we need input from other editors. Isambard Kingdom (talk) 19:14, 18 January 2015 (UTC)
After waiting patiently for all these years for people like you, I think I will clear the text to see what you will write. Now? Or you can just write. --Ancheta Wis   (talk | contribs) 13:28, 19 January 2015 (UTC)
Ancheta, I confess to finding this kind of scary. I mean, this is an important article, and I am trying to be realistic about who I am. Still, I think about the issues in the article, and I would like to contribute, not be the only contributor. You agree to work with this as well, right? Maybe Dmcq can be prompted to look in as well? One thing I'd like to discuss is the organization of the existing material. This, might prompt some interesting discussion. Perhaps we can put the existing content into a draft? Do you know how to do this? Isambard Kingdom (talk) 14:18, 19 January 2015 (UTC)
One thing I see is that parts of the present article are kind of organized to be mini-versions of other full-fledged articles: History of Science, Philosophy of Science, Scientific Method. Is it possible to organize the material so that is, for example, like that seen in the first figure: The scale of science, Scientific disciplines, Scientific hierarchy? If so, perhaps we can develop an outline. The Outline of science is very nice. Isambard Kingdom (talk) 14:50, 19 January 2015 (UTC)
I have copied the current snapshot to Draft:science page, which existed already. I propose that we continue the discussion of the draft page, here, for simplicity, but that we all (including also @Dmcq and other interested editors) work on it, and that upon consensus, we simply copy that draft directly over the current science article. That keeps the article history from 2001 forward, intact. I'd rather not experiment with any idiosyncrasies of the move tool, etc. .
Note to all of us: As part of the rules of engagement, might we all work toward the goal of improving the draft article, and might we keep interpersonal issues (meaning unfortunate misunderstandings from past interactions) out of the draft space? --Ancheta Wis   (talk | contribs) 18:22, 19 January 2015 (UTC)

I just realized that outline of science could be placed at Draft talk:science page as a template/scaffold for the outline of the draft page. --Ancheta Wis   (talk | contribs) 18:31, 19 January 2015 (UTC)

So, @User: Isambard Kingdom, I can still remove the text under Draft: Science page#Science practice to remove distracting elements. OK?

As you like, Ancheta. I'm thinking about making a wholesale rearrangement of paragraphs. It might/probably will fail. At that point I might not know what to do with that section, since I still don't understand it. Isambard Kingdom (talk) 00:08, 20 January 2015 (UTC)

Draft

In that vein, I think/believe any item in draft space is fair game for change. OK? --Ancheta Wis   (talk | contribs) 19:46, 19 January 2015 (UTC)

Yes, in my experiences, I'm usually most happy with my writing projects when I write things as first author -- where I have co-authors who actually contribute. Then, when I'm second or third author, I'm usually less happy with what ends up being written. Either way, however, complete satisfaction is always, always elusive. On this sort of project, here at Wiki, I'm prepared to see my own text taken apart and, even, deleted. What I hope to gain, personally, is learning about science and learning about writing about science. So, I guess, process. Isambard Kingdom (talk) 00:08, 20 January 2015 (UTC)
Hmm. In response to the original question, I would paraphrase the passage (with a few adjustments of my own) as follows:
The requirement for a method to correctly resolve uncertain claims was recognized as early as 1000 years ago. Alhazen (Doubts Concerning Ptolemy), Bacon (1605), and C.S. Peirce (1839-1914) said that a scientific community will then be able to investigate these claims. The methods used have been known for thousands of years,[48] and include both theoretical and practical considerations. For example, the use of measurements is a practical method for resolving disputes.
John Ziman states that the communication of pattern recognition between scientists is fundamental to all scientific discoveries.[49]:p44 One example is the idenfification of Artemisia alba by a modern botanist from images taken from a 16th-century Chinese pharmacopeia.[50]:p46-47 Ziman called this ability 'perceptual consensibility'[50]:p46 and considered it to be the basic standard for reliable knowledge.[50]:p104
(This is just a cursory analysis, so e.g. I haven't checked whether it's still following the sources.) Sunrise (talk) 00:40, 20 January 2015 (UTC)

Pre-Modern "science"

Think it's important to mention they were wrong. That said Aristotle is the name that matters from his day down to modern science. It is his theories and methods that inspire others and this is reported by every source on the subject. Ptolemy was also a giant in pre modern science his system was the ruling one down to Copernicus. Galen (and Hippocrates via Galen) was also a major player.J8079s (talk) 20:46, 21 January 2015 (UTC)

There is another aspect to this. Alhacen used the models from Euclid, Aristotle, Galen, Hippocrates, Ptolemy, etc., because that is all that he had; 'he was firmly rooted in Greek optics', but he went further. This includes experiment, which he repeated from Ptolemy and reported in Book of Optics, in far greater depth than Ptolemy's work. You can read him in English translation from the Latin; the links are given earlier on this talk page. Al-Kindi, who lived 150 years before Alhacen, was a major figure who introduced Aristotle, Galen, Hippocrates, Ptolemy, etc., in translation to the House of wisdom, and who defended the Greek heritage. Ibn Sahl, who lived one generation (their lives overlap from 965-1000) before Alhacen, measured the lengths of the hypotenuses of refracted light in water and air, and found the equivalent of Snell's law (this was only discovered in 1993 by Roshdi Rashed). Alhacen recorded his Critique of Ptolemy and conclusively disproved Ptolemy's extramission theory of vision in Book of Optics (Books I-III, Alhacen's theory of vision)
(the citation is: Smith (2001) via JSTOR p373-4 [6.56] footnote 87 (use the thumbnails to navigate). '[6.58] ... Since there is no need to suppose that something else transmits anything from the visible object to the eye, the opinion of the proponents of the visual rays is pointless. Hence the claim that visual rays exist is nullified.')

There is more, of course, in exhaustive detail which was extremely convincing to Christendom. In fact, by the 1400s Alhacen was preached from the pulpits.

When I read further, I was astounded how well he reasoned from his questionable (from our perspective) models. But Alhacen was enthusiastically received by the Perspectivists, starting with Roger Bacon. And you can still learn optics from him. Kepler certainly did. --Ancheta Wis   (talk | contribs) 00:04, 22 January 2015 (UTC)
Alhacen established the convention for measuring the angle of incidence for both reflection and refraction (Neuenschwander (2014) " Light, the nexus in physics" Radiations Fall 2014 ). Smith faults Alhacen's experimental model for refraction. Alhacen posted no data for refraction, giving only his experimental design, whereas Ptolemy's data for refraction was smoothed using the method of constant second differences pioneered by the Chaldean/ Mesopotamian astronomers (Neugebauer, The exact sciences in antiquity). Thus no sine law, and Alhacen did not publish Ibn Sahl's data, even though he actually transcribed at least some of Ibn Sahl's manuscripts.
Alhacen's work was about visual perception (compare Smith 2015 From sight to light) and this hampered Alhacen's experimental setup for refraction, using quarter-spheres of glass (because he was trying to model refraction through the eye?). His intellectual descendant Kamāl al-Dīn al-Fārisī who successfully explained the rainbow by diffraction (two bounces through a water-filled glass sphere, which was al-Fārisī's model for a raindrop), did not have to manufacture quarter-spheres. Smith actually revisited Alhacen's experimental setup for refraction to prove how difficult the experiment would have been. Hence Smith's doubts about Book 7 (refraction) as a feasible experimental setup which would have been extremely difficult to execute, especially as Alhacen was trying to explain sight, rather than the light-based optics we learn today.
Alhacen's work on mirrors (Books 4, 5 and 6) was more successful. Alhazen's problem is how to solve "Given a light source and a spherical mirror, find the point on the mirror where the light will be reflected to the eye of an observer." Again this problem is sight-based.
The worst criticism was that light passing through an aperture (the entrance pupil) is imaged inverted. An imaged scene is inverted. Alhacen knew this, but justified his theory by working backward from the fact that we see images upright. Kepler didn't buy the handwaving and searched the human optical system in vain for a second aperture. He gave up, and published Emendations to Witelo, lamenting that if Alhacen or Witelo had truly solved this issue, he would have saved himself a lot of trouble. Thus the retina of the eye is the screen for an optical image. This was 600 years after Alhacen and 1400 years after Ptolemy. It's hard not to admire this. But that means that there was undeniable progress from the Hellenic civilization forward, and Alhacen was 'pivotal', to use Smith's description. It didn't happen by occult means, it happened scientifically. Alhacen and company played their part. --Ancheta Wis   (talk | contribs) 02:48, 22 January 2015 (UTC)
In His theory light, color, and form enter the eye separately. The lens is the receptor. The optic nerve is hollow and carries the form to the brain where its felt in the folds. That said Be Bold most of the work that needs to be done is at The book of optics and at Alhacen J8079s (talk) 05:22, 22 January 2015 (UTC).
While trying to find a home for this material, I read history of optics, & was relieved to see that it covered much of what I have mentioned here, in a little less detail about the experiments. The influence of Alhacen, for example on Dürer, could go in a science and art article.
But a balanced view of Alhacen could use A. Mark Smith's assessment ( citation —
  • Smith 2001, pp.cxii-cxviii : '7. Ibn al-Haytham: a tentative reappraisal' via JSTOR 'iconic status', p.cxii. 'his approach was essentially hypothetico-deductive', p.cxv
  • Smith 2010, pp.xcvii-civ : '5. Putting Alhacen in his proper place'. via JSTOR actually mentioned Wikipedia and the overreaction in the adulatory coverage of Alhazen!.)

I guess I ought to poll for backup while redressing the imbalance. I will use, as general theme

  • 'Alhacen's synthesis of Greek & Muslim science was pivotal for optics. His Book of Optics, written in Cairo in the eleventh century, found a ready audience in the thirteenth century, in Baghdad and in Europe; his empirical, experiment-based approach to science served as example for the revolutionary changes in optics, and to the rest of natural science, in the scientific revolution of the seventeenth century.'

Would anyone else care to watch over my fixes to Alhazen? We might need backup there. --Ancheta Wis   (talk | contribs) 17:17, 22 January 2015 (UTC)

Spiral 2

If we were to count previous sections as Spiral 0: #History of optics and its position in the development of science, Spiral 1:#Pre-Modern "science", and this section as Spiral 2 (where I use a constructivist methodology), then I propose that this article 'walk back' some claims, using the guidance of A. Mark Smith's citations (e.g., Smith 2001):

  • Smith, A. Mark, ed. and trans. (2001) Alhacen's Theory of visual perception : a critical edition, with English translation and commentary, of the first three books of Alhacen's De aspectibus, [the medieval latin version of Ibn al-Haytham's Kitāb al-Manāẓir], Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, 2 vols: 91(#4 — Vol 1 Commentary and Latin text); 91(#5 — Vol 2 English translation). (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society), 2001. Books I-III (2001) Vol 1 Commentary and Latin text via JSTOR; Vol 2 English translation, Book I:TOCp339-341, Book II:TOCp415-6, Book III:TOCp559-560, Notes 681ff, Bibl. via JSTOR Use the thumbnails to get to a specific page.
  • more to come. I invite you to read along. Among some fascinating details: The first Latin translators from 800-900 years ago skipped the methodology chapters in the Arabic, so that the Latin translation starts Primus tractatus, Capitulum I (First Book, Chapter one) at paragraph [4.1]; I think that Sabra's critical edition of Arabic Books I-III were Smith's guide to the numbering. Smith's critical edition translates the Latin text of De Aspectibus which appeared 800 years ago. The translator is unknown. Smith notes that there were at least two translators, one so unskilled that he did not know the meaning of an Arabic word, and could only transcribe it as 'aluerach'. But the word means 'firefly'. Smith projects that translator 1 stopped his work abruptly (perhaps at illness or death), and that translator 2 did a test translation, which got included in the manuscript anyway! So there is duplication; Smith had to clean up, of course. Smith's critical editions (2001, 2006, 2008, and 2010) have Latin glossaries with page numbers of the occurrence of the word in Alhacen's text, along with an English index. There are also topical synopses of each chapter of Alhacen. --Ancheta Wis   (talk | contribs) 20:15, 23 January 2015 (UTC)

Ancheta, I appreciate your interest in the history of science. Would this attention also be well-directed at the page on the History of science? Isambard Kingdom (talk) 20:50, 23 January 2015 (UTC)

Our (Wikipedia's) problem is that the text of this page needs to be 'walked back'. Smith 2010 specifically calls out some overenthusiastic claims on this page which can be cleaned up in few sentences and their citations. There is a strong set of editors on History of Science who have already cleaned up that page. So that means once the Medieval Science section is done, I can move the bulldozer (Wink ;-) to the more logical venues. But there might be snipers there (Wink ;-), so I was thinking at least get this page straight first. --Ancheta Wis   (talk | contribs) 21:00, 23 January 2015 (UTC)
Okay, I was just curious. Isambard Kingdom (talk) 21:11, 23 January 2015 (UTC)

Problems pointed out by Smith:

  1. Father of optics -- Smith points out it's only one author
  2. First [modern] scientist
    1. Hypothetico-deductive method (method was successful for diplopia, and for reflection); he only described an experimental setup for refraction; method was not sucessfully applied to refraction because he published no data for refraction; Smith could not repeat the refraction experiment.
    2. Sine law for refraction -- this problem is fixed, the misstatement is not in current versions of this page
    3. Revolutionary status -- Smith calls Alhacen's work a synthesis of previous work, rather than a writeup from the ground up, ala Kuhn

Proposed updates to fix

  1. (Smith 2001) points out it's only one author, so at least name the author, rather than implying a large consensus
  2. (Smith 2001) List the Medieval ontology he buttressed (or put this in context at Scientific revolution to show what Kepler/ Snell/ Descartes/ Newton overturned?)
    1. At least mention the diplopia setup to show the connections to Galen and Ptolemy, as exemplar for his enthusiastic reception in Medieval Europe by the Perspectivists
    2. Done
    3. Alhacen's synthesis of Greek & Muslim science was pivotal for optics. His Book of Optics, written in Cairo in the eleventh century, found a ready audience in the thirteenth century, in Baghdad and in Europe as Alhacen demonstrated the use of Aristotelian ontology; his empirical, experiment-based approach to science was used against this ontology, in turn, to overthrow it in optics, and in the rest of natural science, in the scientific revolution of the seventeenth century. (Smith 2001) Put the problems with refraction in the Book of Optics page.

Citations

  1. Smith 2001 (visual perception) (Smith 2001 Alhacen's Theory, pp.573-578, how to replicate the double vision experiment (diplopia), right down to the notch in the board for your nose)
  2. maybe Smith 2006 Reflection (But not Distortion Smith 2008)
  3. his more critical comments in Smith 2010 (refraction) (Smith 2010 pararaph [3.33] p.259, footnote 67. Note 67 is on p.361. [3.33] is the summary of how to measure the sizes of the angle of refraction for air to water, air to glass, glass to air, glass to water, for plane, concave, and convex surfaces)


As Spiral 3, I propose to instantiate these changes in the Medieval science section, where they might well be moved to child pages upon consensus. OK? --Ancheta Wis   (talk | contribs) 00:23, 24 January 2015 (UTC)

Compare this article with Nature

Those of you interested in this page might also check out the Nature page. If you ask me, that page is a challenge, and I'm not convinced that it is properly balanced for content, but it should be somehow complementary to this page on Science. Can this be discussed here (and/or there)? Isambard Kingdom (talk) 14:41, 17 January 2015 (UTC)

I was going to answer from memory, but I made a quick check of the Nature page to verify that it still has an underlying theme of 'us, here on Earth, of which we are part', whereas this page has a more detached feel (i.e. 'not necessarily on Earth'). --Ancheta Wis   (talk | contribs) 15:00, 17 January 2015 (UTC)
Ancheta, yes, that is true. The Nature page is kind of divided between outdoors, landscape stuff, including some experiential stuff (us in nature), but it also attempts (not successfully, in my opinion) to summarize things in more scientific terms. The Nature page has almost no philosophy, other than a brief mention in the lead, whereas the Science page does (appropriately). The two pages, Nature and Science, are presently incompatible in significant ways. Maybe it is hoping for too much to think they should fit together. Isambard Kingdom (talk) 15:09, 17 January 2015 (UTC)
There is a famous quote 'history without philosophy is blind, and philosophy without history is hollow' (I just paraphrased Norwood Russell Hanson, who was referring to history of science, and philosophy of science). Yet the Nature page is not blind, I 'know' (speaking for myself) that it's a good thing. I'm afraid the implicit ethical directive in the Nature page is absent on the Science page. --Ancheta Wis   (talk | contribs) 15:15, 17 January 2015 (UTC)
Is this "ethical directive" related to romanticism (something I'm learning about)? Isambard Kingdom (talk) 15:22, 17 January 2015 (UTC)
Fortunately I don't know. But good writing, like good history needs an arc of development. Who is to say that good science can't also have an arc? In support of an earlier section (history of optics) on this talk page, I read Alhacen's Book 7, from his Book of Optics. He goes from the refraction of light to the transparency of the space containing the stars, from which either he (or an intellectual descendant -- the publisher jammed multiple scientists together) figured out the height of the atmosphere. That kind of writing is just as exciting (for me at least). --Ancheta Wis   (talk | contribs) 15:38, 17 January 2015 (UTC)
Okay. I feel that the Nature page is (or should be) trying to get at some of the ideas of the Romantic period, and, likewise, there might be some room in the Science page for brief discussion of Romanticism in science. All stuff I'm learning about. Isambard Kingdom (talk) 15:49, 17 January 2015 (UTC)
I can offer you yet another slice of the puzzle: Alhacen offers support for the idea that there are implicit faculties in our visual perception and cognition (such as love of beauty, Romanticism, etc.). These Aristotelian faculties are inherent in our thinking, which Alhacen notes remain unspoken until things are obvious. For example we do not verbalize these previously unspoken, implicit things until we encounter an obvious difficulty (such as loss of Nature). This specific difficulty about the loss of our natural environment became perfectly obvious by the time of the industrial revolution in England. Alhacen noted that "there is no doubt that the child does not know what deduction is and does not perceive whether he is deducing or not when he does. Moreover, if one were to try to teach him what deduction is, he would not understand. Yet since the child does deduce yet has no idea what a deduction is, it follows that the human soul is inherently apt to engage in deduction without difficulty or effort." — Alhacen Optics Books 1-3 English translation p.437, via JSTOR (In this case 'human soul' is Aristotle's anima. Smith's translation, see his Latin glossary, his English index, his topical TOCs and his commentary. JSTOR specifically displays thumbnails of every page to allow you to navigate Alhacen's huge Book of Optics) --Ancheta Wis   (talk | contribs) 18:05, 17 January 2015 (UTC)
Yes, our ability to perceive, understand, and deduce is amazing, if, in fact, "perceiving", "understanding" and "deducing" have actual "meaning". Now I'm reminded of a question posed by Bertrand Russell: "What is the meaning of meaning?" I think he was, actually, a practical man, and I sometimes find it interesting that most scientists are as well. They are usually busy fixing their sensor, making their observations, putting together theories and models, usually without thinking too much about whether or not there is actual meaning. Some of this is, already, encompassed in the article. I'm afraid my thoughts on all of this might seem simple. Isambard Kingdom (talk) 18:53, 17 January 2015 (UTC)
And we are back to @Andrew Lancaster's citation: ("... [A] man knows a thing scientifically when he possesses a conviction arrived at in a certain way, and when the first principles on which that conviction rests are known to him with certainty—for unless he is more certain of his first principles than of the conclusion drawn from them he will only possess the knowledge in question accidentally." — Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics 6 (H. Rackham, ed.) Aristot. Nic. Eth. 1139b ) Casting Aristotle into the well-known bumper-sticker slogan
  1. Tell them what you are going to tell them.
  2. Tell it.
  3. Tell them that you told it.
In Alhacen's case, he calls 'first principles' First Discourse (1 above). His Book of Optics uses variations of 1 with his experimental setups. For 2, which a reader performs for oneself, Alhacen gives tips and caveats for the reader, what to be cautious about. For 3, Alhacen usually tells the reader how to evaluate 2 (such as whether the predicate 2 is true or false, or whether the result was certain or not), and for which Ptolemy gave data, in his refraction experiment, but which Alhacen omitted for his exposition on refraction. --Ancheta Wis   (talk | contribs) 15:07, 26 January 2015 (UTC)

Possibly relevant to this discussion is that some years ago the Nature article was split, and the material considered too philosophical was moved to Nature (philosophy).--Andrew Lancaster (talk) 08:50, 20 January 2015 (UTC)

@Andrew Lancaster, thank you for this important piece of information. So, I guess the philosophical material that presently exists in the Science article has been developed since then? Interesting how these things drift. @Ancheta Wis, were you aware of this? Isambard Kingdom (talk) 14:30, 20 January 2015 (UTC)
@Andrew Lancaster, what I noticed from your Nature (philosophy) article was the pervasive Aristotelian forms, which Alhacen used as his metaphor for optical images and a theory of cognition. This directly influenced Roger Bacon, Witelo, and John Peckham, the Perspectivists. The Renaissance artists were the direct beneficiaries. In translations, Greece -> Egypt -> Spain -> Sicily -> Italy -> England -> Northern Europe -> etc. A direct relation between science and art. --Ancheta Wis   (talk | contribs) 15:08, 20 January 2015 (UTC)
I'll just write what comes to mind in case it is helpful. I think it is not controversial to say that the concept "nature" (as something with its own consistent order, that can, or even should, be studied methodically and meaningfully by human reason and experience) was not obvious and actually has a starting point which if not Greek, at least first appears clearly in Greek sources BEFORE Aristotle. Aristotle is an important author of course, partly because of how much of human knowledge he tried to cover, and also because of how much of his work survived. But more generally he is one thinker in a bigger tradition, and not the first. In many ways the Middle Ages was a victory for his teleological branch of science, the methodical study of nature. As Francis Bacon later complained, it meant non-teleological science such as that of Democritus, was ignored. Teleological science was, according to Bacon and modern science, a succumbing to a fundamental human bias which will always tend to mislead. Francis Bacon's method is all about keeping our natural biases in mind and trying to avoid them. This does not of course mean science before him was not methodical and did not also try to avoid bias. --Andrew Lancaster (talk) 15:31, 20 January 2015 (UTC)
@Andrew Lancaster, yes, 'nature' is in Homer of course, and your characterization of 'nature, as something with its own consistent order' brought to mind David Bohm's implicate order. @Isambard Kingdom, we could, all of us, discuss this on the emerging outline at the draft:science page? --Ancheta Wis   (talk | contribs) 13:54, 21 January 2015 (UTC)
Fortuitously, The Lagoon: How Aristotle Invented Science (Viking), by Armand Marie Leroi, accessdate=2015-01-26 has just appeared. Armand Marie Leroi, an evolutionary biologist, notes how "... Aristotle reached a turning point on the road to the scientific method by basing his ideas on direct observation and careful classification", as reported by David Luhrssen. Further, Leroi declares that Aristotle's search for the cause of life's own consistent order has now been found in our time: the genetic code of DNA. Leroi finds the lagoon on the island of Lesbos remains much the same as when Aristotle studied its life 2300 years ago. --Ancheta Wis   (talk | contribs) 18:38, 26 January 2015 (UTC)
Interesting. But we should be a bit careful about making Wikipedia represent specific opinions from specific works. I believe saying that DNA is what Aristotle was looking for is questionable to say the least. Again, an important theme in all Socratic science is teleology, but teleological methodology is not widely accepted as good scientific methodology since Francis Bacon. Aristotle was very clear in saying he was NOT going to accept a theory where small particles bumping into each other unintelligently would explain things. There had to be a human like intention and intelligence behind nature according his approach. This did not stop him and many before and after him from methodically discovering many things, but it did lead them up many paths today considered very wrong. --Andrew Lancaster (talk) 09:23, 27 January 2015 (UTC)

Misleading sentence in Renaissance section.

There is a misleading sentence in the Renaissance section: "All aspects of scholasticism were criticized in the 15th and 16th centuries; one author who was notoriously persecuted was Galileo, who made innovative use of experiment and mathematics. " I wouldn't call Galileo a scholastic. --Ancheta Wis   (talk | contribs) 01:12, 27 January 2015 (UTC)

Looks like the sentence is just unclearly written? It should be broken into two sentences to make it more clear. We do not need to say Galileo was a scholastic or not. He was persecuted. We should be careful to distinguish the criticism of scholastics, and the persecution of non scholastics (and some scholastics). --Andrew Lancaster (talk) 09:25, 27 January 2015 (UTC)
 Done I also added an optics section as lead-in to Renaissance and Revolution. --Ancheta Wis   (talk | contribs) 15:55, 27 January 2015 (UTC)

Modeling science

Hi There,

There is a paper about developing a process model of science (or scientific study) by Luk, R.W.P.[1]. Perhaps, it is worth citing this paper and mentioning that science can be modeled in the Wiki Science Page!

[1] Luk, R.W.P. (2010) Understanding scientific study via process modeling. Foundations of Science 15(1): 49-78.

Angelababy00 (talk) 04:05, 1 February 2015 (UTC)

Alhacen & the Aristotelian viewpoint

First, I appreciate that other editors are using the JSTOR citations. This note is further explanation of a statement which is disputed, namely that Alhacen had an Aristotelian viewpoint, which was orthodoxy for his time. I quote from Smith, A. Mark (1981), "Getting the Big Picture in Perspectivist Optics" Isis 72(4) (Dec., 1981). via JSTOR:p.580 (Use the thumbnails to navigate)

"... the perspectivists had it both ways. They could exploit Aristotle's causal analysis. ... Yet by reducing that analysis to microscopic scale, they were able to exploit the ray model."

The Perspectivists got their optics from Alhacen. Alhacen was the authoritative Latin text for optics from c.1220-1230. It was cited in Bartolomeo Anglicus' De proprietatibus rerum (On the Property of Things) to 1604 (when Kepler overturned its model of vision). Alhacen's sources were 'the philosophers' (Aristotle, Plato, and Socrates), 'the mathematicians' (Ptolemy & Euclid), and 'the healers' (Galen). Alhacen lived 200 years before the Perspectivists. But he fit right into their views: His Book III p573 2.25 "Moreover everything we have discussed can be tested so that we will attain certainty over it."

In other words, Alhacen used Aristotle's empirical, inductive method and also Ptolemy & Euclid's deductive, logical method to learn. Galen's discovery of the optic chiasm directly affected an experiment of both Ptolemy & Alhacen. Alhacen used what he learned to disprove Ptolemy's theory of vision. He used Aristotle's forms to model the optical image, and to justify the fact that we see things right-side up, which Kepler disproved. That was the end of Aristotle's forms.

I think this suffices to show that Alhacen furthered the Aristotelian viewpoint, at least til 1604. --Ancheta Wis   (talk | contribs) 14:57, 1 February 2015 (UTC)

Here is a citation to remind us that Alhacen was a true advocate for experimental method:

Optics book 7, chapter 2, para [2.2]: p.220 via JSTOR says to round off a bronze register plate with a lathe, and to grind it down.

Note the technology that he had 1000 years ago, near, or at, Cairo's Al Azhar university, Smith says, all in support of the optics of refraction: mechanism, glass-blowing, metalwork. [All the technical details that Aristotle preferred not to mention as below the class of a man of leisure, Alhacen forthrightly mentions. An Italian contributor to this page, from over 5 years ago, notes, in the same way, a visit to the museums of Rome will reveal plumbing parts in the displays that look like 'modern' items, except that they are thousands of years old, and made of plumbum (lead).]

And the Europeans were listening; witness Durer's man with a Lute, using taut strings to model optical raytracing, Vesalius' accurate engraving of a brain (far more detailed anatomy than even Alhacen's diagrams of the optic chiasm from 500 years before), perhaps most importantly, there were dozens of scholars (Smith counts 23 manuscripts), using a common language and heritage, studying his work, so a critical mass was in place. The diagrams differed in the manuscripts, and Smith was able to pick from an array of diagrams for his critical edition. That is one of the difficulties for the Arabic-to-English critical edition, not enough texts survive to choose from, in order to produce Books 4, 5, 6, 7. --Ancheta Wis   (talk | contribs) 15:11, 3 February 2015 (UTC)

Discussion of capitalization of universe

There is a request for comment about capitalization of the word universe at Wikipedia talk:Manual of Style/Capital letters#Capitalization of universe - request for comment. Please participate. SchreiberBike talk 00:47, 4 February 2015 (UTC)

Scientific knowledge as explanation and prediction

I think the previous definition of science in the wiki page is inaccurate to say that science is an enterprise that organizes and build knowledge in the form of explanations and predictions. I think the knowledge is in the form of theories and models rather than the outcomes like explanation and prediction. A (scientific) theory cannot be an explanation because it does not have the context to specify the explanation. For example, Newton's second law: F = ma, what is the explanation? There is no context for F=ma. One has to create an experiment to specify the context of F=ma, then it can explain things. I think the general statement is more like a property that people can use to build mechanical models. When we apply the theory to specify the model, then some statements in the theory may be able to explain the situation. Therefore, a (scientific) theory cannot be an explanation. Also, how can science be about prediction knowledge? A prediction is only applicable after the situation is known, so you would need to build or specify a model in order to arrive at a prediction that you can test in the experiment.

Angelababy00 (talk) 08:09, 8 February 2015 (UTC)

Thank you for bringing your thoughts to this talk page.
Please see scientific theory.
When Wikipedia began, Larry Sanger tried to help out by writing an unwikified wikt:wall of text, at that time, referred to as 'Larry's text'. The editors tried to clean it up, but 'Larry's text' is now gone, unmourned.
One way to improve the 'wiki-action', or the active cooperation of multiple minds all working on the same goal, is to bring your proposal here, and talk about it. It used to be true that a meeting of the minds would then come about, in a truly marvelous demonstration of the power of the wiki, where one thought would appear, and then another, in cascade. Perhaps it will again. --Ancheta Wis   (talk | contribs) 10:44, 8 February 2015 (UTC)
I agree it is not good to use "scientific" in science, so I put "scientific" in brackets. I have seen the scientific theory webpage, and I am puzzled by its claim that a scientific theory is a substantiated explanation. As I mentioned, I don't think a theory is an explanation because an explanation requires a context but the theory just have general statements without contexts. This is done deliberately to generalize the models. Ok, I will not change the Science wiki page, but discuss in the talk page first and let someone to undo it if (s)he wants. 223.18.108.48 (talk) 13:07, 8 February 2015 (UTC)
I agree that many of the things you added are important to include. I did a quick attempt at rewriting the information - the main points I tried to address were:
  • Not all scientific knowledge is a theory or model, except in the trivial sense that every statement technically invokes some forms of models (e.g. how do you classify "the fossil is measured to be 10 centimeters long"?) Adding facts should, at least arguably, cover the rest of the cases.
Is science concerned with facts or the general knowledge? By that I mean, if the facts are not related to some underlying models or theories, would science be concerned with the fact? Why would scientists want to know that the fossil is measured 10cm long? Angelababy00 (talk) 03:01, 9 February 2015 (UTC)
  • Referring to scientific theories as sets of general statements is not very informative. It's an expression used in philosophy to distinguish them from the reality that they describe, but it's not a defining characteristic because the vast majority of sets of statements are not theories.
Sets of general statements do not mean that any general statement belongs to the theory. That is the things in the theories are general statements and there are general statements outside the theories. The general statement in a theory needs to be able to be applied to build/specify the models or explain the phenomena. Angelababy00 (talk) 03:01, 9 February 2015 (UTC)
  • The description was less straightforward (more grammatically complex and including more terminology), which is an important consideration when defining a topic in an encyclopedia (we want to preserve accessibility to educate the most people). I restored the original first sentence and put the rest of the information in the second. No thoughts on the use of "scientific" yet, but the parentheses contributed to the complexity so I removed them.
On your comments above, I think you'll need specify how you're defining context and explanation. Any explanation can be questioned along the lines of "Why?" or "What does that explanation mean?" but that doesn't make them less valuable. Those questions can also be answered by further explanations, which for F=ma involves the physical interactions between atoms and their components. After enough recursions we reach a point where nobody knows (or fully knows) how to answer yet, and then we've reached one of the frontiers of science. Sunrise (talk) 21:30, 8 February 2015 (UTC)
According to Wikipedia, explanation is defined in terms of clarifying the cause and consequences in some context. So, to be able to define an explanation, we need the context to define an explanation. Apply this to scientific theories, the context should be the situation that we are trying to model. So, this happens when we apply the theory to build or specify the model. If the explanations are left by themselves (like F=ma) in the theory, these statements don't have any context, so they should not be called explanations. In your example, you applied the context of physical interactions between atoms and their components to "explain" the use of F=ma to explain the interaction. But, in a theory, the Newton's second law: F=ma does not mention anything about physical interactions. So, I cann't see why Newton's second law is an explanation. If you object to the term "general statements", please consider something else rather than explanation, for example universal statements or (general) propositions.Angelababy00 (talk) 03:01, 9 February 2015 (UTC)
This should really be taken to the Ref desk, but I'll respond briefly. Explanation defines it as "describ[ing] a set of facts which clarifies the causes, context, and consequences of those facts." The word "context" is referring to the facts, not the explanation. So we can say that Newton's second law explains any situation where it makes the correct prediction - for example, "the ball accelerated to 1 m/s2 because it has a mass of 0.1kg and a force of 0.1N was applied, and a = F/m" (plus some assumptions we can specify like no other forces acting, etc). If you like, you can define the context as the observation being explained ("accelerated to 1 m/s2" in this case) along with the other properties of the situation in question. Sunrise (talk) 04:16, 9 February 2015 (UTC)

Should we add this line to the lead?

Old edit with new source

Any thing to declare?

Optics --> General Science <-- Medicine

Is engineering a science

Is applied science a kind of science?

Is formal science a science?

Hardening of positions lessens maneuverability

Parallel ledes and definitions for science and technology?

Timeline comment

Notice of EWN discussion

Medieval science and Lead?

Alhacen (c.965-1040) And all these points become clear with experimentation

hypothetico-deductive method

Notification of request for comment

First sentence, second sentence

Thoughts on an initial proposal

Summary of findings, proposal, based on historiography: 0 (science), 1 (nature-knowledge), 2 (tipping points to Scientific Revolution)

Assumptions of scientists?

The anti-Francis Bacon

List of academic disciplines

Abraham took science from Ur of the Chaldees into Egypt ~2100 BC

Egregiously whitewashed view of history, no mention of the rich history of pseudoscientific racism or eugenics

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