2004 Alabama Amendment 2

Referendum on segregation, poll tax, and publicly funded education From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

2004 Alabama Amendment 2 was a proposed amendment to the Alabama Constitution of 1901 to repeal the defunct requirement of racial segregation in schools, the defunct poll tax as a condition to vote, and a declaration that there was no right to a publicly funded education in Alabama.

Quick facts Results, Choice ...
2004 Alabama Amendment 2
November 2, 2004
Proposing an amendment to the Constitution of Alabama of 1901, to repeal portions of Section 256 and Amendment 111 relating to separation of schools by race and repeal portions of Amendment 111 concerning constitutional construction against the right to education, and to repeal Section 259, Amendment 90, and Amendment 109 relating to the poll tax. (Proposed by Act 2003-203)
Results
Choice
Votes %
Yes 689,450 49.93%
No 691,300 50.07%
Results by county
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Repeal of the first two Jim Crow laws, which had already been invalidated but still were on the books, was widely uncontroversial. However, contention existed over repealing the provision that denied the right of publicly funded schooling. Supporters, including Governors Bob Riley and Don Siegelman, argued that the changes would improve the image of the state. Opponents, including the recently-removed Chief Justice Roy Moore, framed the provision of publicly funded education as taxpayer-funded "gifts" rather than an issue of children's rights, while asserting that repeal of the clause would increase school taxes—something that they were against.

Even though opponents' legal arguments that such taxes would be imposed by court order were widely seen as dubious, their vocal opposition tanked the referendum. It narrowly failed, with 50.07% of Alabamians casting a vote against the changes.

Background

Alabama Governor Bob Riley launched a constitutional reform commission, which, among other things, proposed to remove language related to school segregation and poll taxes.[1][2] The separation of schools by race was outlawed in a series of state and federal court interventions, starting from the Supreme Court's verdict in Brown v. Board of Education (1954), while the Voting Rights Act of 1965 banned poll taxes. Both practices had arisen in an effort to discriminate against Blacks.[3] Support for removing these clauses was widespread.[2]

While debate over changing the constitution was ongoing, two Democratic lawmakers proposed to repeal another provision with strong racist connotations: a 1956 clause saying that the right to a publicly funded education did not exist in the state of Alabama.[1] The provision was introduced as part of Whites' backlash over the Supreme Court's racial desegregation decision.[3] The public education language did not attract much scrutiny or opposition in the legislature.[1] HB587, which became Act 2003–203, was passed 91 to 0 in the State House and 29 to 0 in the State Senate, and included repeal of the 1956 public school clause.[4]

Litigation over the denial of right to public schooling

In 1993, a trial judge found that the 1956 amendment conflicted with a clause in the original Alabama constitution that the state must provide "a liberal system of public schools throughout the state for the benefit of the children", and then struck the amendment down under the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment of the United States Constitution because of the discriminatory purpose of the denial of the right to public education.[5]

Four years later, the Supreme Court of Alabama suspended the ruling's enforcement to allow the state to come up with a plan, and ultimately shut down the litigation in 2002. While it did not overturn the trial court decision, it said that due to the separation of powers, Alabama courts have no role in ordering remedies to fix education, which is what the legislature and the executive are for. During litigation, the State Board of Education calculated compliance costs with the trial court ruling at $1.7 billion per year ($3 billion in 2025 dollars).[5]

Viewpoints

Support

Governor Bob Riley was in favor of the amendment, believing that if it passed, Alabama's image would be enhanced.[1] Before the results were finalized, Riley said that if the amendment were to fail, he would create a new amendment leaving out a portion that was criticized by Roy Moore and those in opposition to the measure. "We'll give the people a chance to vote again."[6] Riley also felt that those in opposition were incorrect in claiming that courts would have the ability to force the state to raise public school taxes.[2]

Former governor Don Siegelman also backed the amendment, believing it to be important for the national image of Alabama and future economic development. Siegelman, like Bob Riley, argued that opponents were incorrect in thinking that federal courts would have the authority to force Alabama to raise public school taxes.[2]

Opposition

Opponents included Roy Moore, then-recently removed chief justice of the Supreme Court of Alabama, the president of the Alabama Association for Judeo-Christian Values, and the president of the Alabama Christian Coalition. They consistently argued that they did not oppose the removal of clearly racist language. However, their contention was that the ballot measure was a backdoor attempt at increasing public education taxes.[1] Their logic was that activist judges would construe the repeal as creating an enforceable right to publicly-funded education, and because of the state's poor quality of public schools, they would order extensive changes to education policies that would necessitate tax increases.[5] A 1996 constitutional amendment prohibited state courts from ordering tax hikes to fund education, but Chief Justice Moore claimed that they could be forced by federal courts.[1][6] Some of the federal court intervention fears stem from deep resentment that the state has for federal intervention – the resentment that took its roots as federal courts were overturning Jim Crow legislation during the Civil Rights Era.[7] Moore added that the amendment was "a wolf in sheep's clothing" that would lessen the ability of parents to control their children's education.[2]

Opponents also contended that public education was not a right, but rather a "gift" that every child is given at taxpayers' expense. The argument was not new – the previous year, opponents of property tax increases successfully used it against Governor Riley's efforts to relax restrictions on levying property taxes – already the lowest in the United States – to fund public schools.[3]

Contents

The following information was shown to voters for Amendment 2:[8]

Proposing an amendment to the Constitution of Alabama of 1901, to repeal portions of Section 256 and Amendment 111 relating to separation of schools by race and repeal portions of Amendment 111 concerning constitutional construction against the right to education, and to repeal Section 259, Amendment 90, and Amendment 109 relating to the poll tax. (Proposed by Act 2003-203)

Results

The measure was defeated by less than 2,000 votes, leaving the segregation, poll tax, and publicly funded education clauses still on the books.[9] Counties with higher Black populations tended to vote in favor of the amendment; but wealth, urban/rural split or population dynamics had at best a weak correlation with voting either way.[1]

More information County, Yes ...
County Yes No
# % # %
Autauga 6,959 45.9 8,204 54.1
Baldwin 29,118 55.1 23,773 44.9
Barbour 3,344 52.3 3,047 47.7
Bibb 2,081 33.4 4,146 66.6
Blount 5,497 32.1 11,615 67.9
Bullock 1,296 58.1 933 41.9
Butler 3,010 52.2 2,750 47.8
Calhoun 16,284 46.7 18,572 53.3
Chambers 4,641 54.7 3,845 45.3
Cherokee 2,323 37.7 3,848 62.3
Chilton 4,932 38.4 7,919 61.6
Choctaw 2,252 50.5 2,210 49.5
Clarke 4,007 55.9 3,159 44.1
Clay 1,727 36.6 2,990 63.4
Cleburne 1,628 44.2 2,051 55.8
Coffee 6,410 52.0 5,930 48.0
Colbert 8,145 49.8 8,166 50.2
Conecuh 2,000 57.4 1,471 42.6
Coosa 1,521 42.1 2,090 57.9
Covington 4,880 50.7 4,744 49.3
Crenshaw 1,697 49.0 1,769 51.0
Cullman 9,687 34.9 18,105 65.1
Dale 6,175 45.8 7,314 54.2
Dallas 6,063 51.4 5,744 48.6
DeKalb 5,591 39.0 8,731 61.0
Elmore 9,551 43.7 12,290 56.3
Escambia 3,638 51.1 3,480 48.9
Etowah 12,802 38.8 20,182 61.2
Fayette 1,915 31.4 4,161 68.6
Franklin 2,810 36.2 4,965 63.8
Geneva 2,929 42.5 3,960 57.5
Greene 2,188 71.2 897 28.8
Hale 2,452 45.5 2,982 54.5
Henry 2,164 48.6 2,289 51.4
Houston 12,259 47.4 13,615 52.6
Jackson 5,486 45.0 6,692 55.0
Jefferson 139,396 58.1 100,282 41.9
Lamar 1,660 38.2 2,685 61.8
Lauderdale 12,269 48.8 12,889 51.2
Lawrence 3,758 39.6 5,733 60.4
Lee 22,398 66.1 11,488 33.9
Limestone 7,407 32.1 15,658 67.9
Lowndes 2,245 59.6 1,519 40.4
Macon 4,715 70.1 2,064 29.9
Madison 58,258 57.8 42,614 42.2
Marengo 3,353 51.8 3,140 48.2
Marion 2,818 30.2 6,541 69.8
Marshall 8,827 38.0 14,428 62.0
Mobile 50,555 52.1 46,500 47.9
Monroe 2,916 53.3 2,557 46.7
Montgomery 33,723 57.4 25,008 42.6
Morgan 14,919 42.0 20,622 58.0
Perry 2,411 61.5 1,515 38.5
Pickens 2,935 45.2 3,559 54.8
Pike 3,929 49.7 3,974 50.3
Randolph 2,551 46.8 2,895 53.2
Russell 5,836 56.5 4,497 43.5
St. Clair 8,465 35.3 15,506 64.7
Shelby 33,843 51.7 31,593 48.3
Sumter 2,366 63.6 1,360 36.4
Talladega 11,071 46.4 12,799 53.6
Tallapoosa 6,413 51.6 6,009 48.4
Tuscaloosa 28,178 50.5 27,686 49.5
Walker 6,602 28.4 16,626 71.6
Washington 1,898 33.6 3,752 66.4
Wilcox 2,208 59.7 1,516 40.3
Winston 2,065 26.7 5,646 73.3
Total 689,450 49.93 691,300 50.07[10]
Close

Aftermath and analysis

The inclusion of a repeal of the 1956 education clause played a central role in the defeat of the amendment.[11] Competing theories suggested reasons as to why the measure was defeated; one argued that it was due to lingering, concealed racism; another said that it was because of voter suspicion of any constitutional amendment; and another said the tax clause was fully to blame. The majority of state newspapers and legal scholars found the argument about tax hikes ridiculous.[7] For example, Pratik Shah wrote in the Alabama Law Review that the supposed scheme to increase taxes could not be enacted on a state level because of the 2002 Alabama Supreme Court decision saying that such remedies would violate the separation of powers and the 1996 anti-tax amendment; while federal courts, even if they could find jurisdiction, would likely need to extensively interpret state laws, which they would be unwilling to do.[5]

Patrick R. Cotter of the University of Alabama said that the ballot measure was the most discussed issue during the 2004 election in the state, surpassing attention given to any other federal or state race. He suggested that the defeat of the ballot measure signalled a decline in importance of the state Democratic party, which at the time of the amendment was still fairly competitive with its Republican rivals. The Democratic campaign deprioritized the state in the 2004 election, believing that presidential candidate John Kerry would not carry the state, and indeed he only received 37% of votes.[1]

Following rejection of the amendment, State Senator Wendell Mitchell pledged to introduce a new amendment in February 2005, this time omitting a repeal of the publicly funded education provision. Mitchell believed that the removal of segregation era language from the state's constitution without the education clause would be "decisively approved by voters."[12] In 2022, Alabama voted on a separate constitutional amendment, 2022 Alabama Recompiled Constitution Ratification Question, which, among other things, removed all racist language.[13]

See also

References

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