2026 Iranian strikes on the Kurdistan Region
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| 2026 Iranian strikes on the Kurdistan Region | |||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Part of the 2026 Iran war, Iraq in the 2026 Iran war and 2026 Kurdish–Iranian crisis | |||||||
Clockwise from top left: blast; burnt-out forklift; glass and rubble; workers cleaning up after Iranian attacks in the Kurdistan Region. | |||||||
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| Belligerents | |||||||
| Units involved | |||||||
| Casualties and losses | |||||||
 At least 60 killed and 100 wounded (from US airstrikes) 1 rocket mounted technical destroyed[1] | |||||||
| 4 Kurdish civilians killed, 7 injured[b] | |||||||
On 28 February 2026, following the 2026 Iran war, the Islamic Republic of Iran and Iraqi Iran-aligned Shi'ite militias, primarily operating under the umbrella of the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF), launched a series of ballistic missile and drone attacks against the Kurdistan Region, Iraq.[9]
Most of the attacks in Iraq, around 200 as of 11 March 2026, have focused on the Kurdistan Region. The region hosts the majority of US forces after troops withdrew from several facilities located in central and western Iraq.[10]
The pro-Iran Shi'ite militia groups, Saraya Awliya al-Dam,[11] the Islamic Resistance in Iraq,[12] Jaysh al-Ghadab,[13] and Ashab al-Kahf,[14] claimed responsibility for some of the attacks.
The Kurdistan Region of Iraq has hosted several U.S. military bases and installations since the 2003 invasion of Iraq. Between 2020–2021 and again in 2025–2026, the United States undertook withdrawal processes from Iraq. During these phases, U.S. forces were not withdrawn from the Kurdistan Region but instead redeployed there,[15] including troops relocated from the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria, leading to a significant concentration of U.S. personnel and equipment in the region.[16]
Iran has previously attacked the Kurdistan Region under the pretext of targeting "Mossad headquarters," including during the 2022 Erbil missile attacks and strikes in 2024.[17] Meanwhile, its allied Shi'ite militias, operating in areas between federal Iraq and the Kurdistan Region, have repeatedly attacked U.S. bases in the past.[18][19] In 2025, a Shi'ite militia drone strike hit the Khor Mor gas field, causing a massive fire and highlighted the autonomous region's need for improved air defense systems.[19]
The Kurdistan Region also hosts several Iranian Kurdish opposition parties in exile. These groups have previously launched cross-border attacks into Iran and have themselves been targeted by Iranian drone and missile strikes, including in 2018 and 2022.[20] United under the Coalition of Political Forces of Iranian Kurdistan, they stated during the 2025–2026 Iranian protests that they would seek to help topple the Iranian regime and assume authority in Iranian Kurdistan in the event of U.S. military action.[21][22]
Incidents
Overview of initial strikes (28 February–mid-March)
On the same day that the 2026 Iran war began, the Kurdistan Region, particularly its capital, Erbil, quickly became a major target for Iranian attacks. Repeated explosions, air-raid sirens, and interceptions could at times be heard for more than two hours straight and were notably more sustained in intensity than previous strikes on the Kurdistan Region.[19] In the first three days, Erbil alone was targeted by more than 70 missiles and drones, however, U.S. air defense systems in the region intercepted the majority of them, resulting in little to no damage.[19][23]
Prominent sites targeted included Erbil International Airport, where U.S. forces of the International Coalition against ISIS are based,[24] and the U.S. Consulate General in Erbil, which opened in late 2025 and is the largest U.S. consulate in the world.[25] Outside of Erbil, U.S. forces were also targeted at the Harir Air Base.[26]
The attacks also targeted the headquarters of the 11th Brigade of the Peshmerga, located near the Degala subdistrict in Erbil Governorate,[27][28][29] and the headquarters of the Peshmerga's Unit 70 Command, affiliated with the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK). The attacks resulted in the death of one member of the Asayish and the injury of another.[4]
Iranian Kurdish opposition groups in the Sulaymaniyah Governorate (Sulaymaniyah City,[30] Zargwez area,[31] and Dukan District[32]), and Erbil Governorate (Pirde,[33] Koya District,[34] Gomaspan,[34] Khabat District[32]) including the Kurdistan Freedom Party (PAK), the Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan (PDKI), the Komala of the Toilers of Kurdistan, the Organization of Iranian Kurdistan Struggle, and the Komala Kurdistan's Organization of the Communist Party of Iran (CPI) were targeted as well.[32][31] On 3 March, strikes on PDKI bases intensified, resulting in the minor injury of one member.[35][36][37]
Other targets included civilian areas in Soran District, Shaqlawa District,[32] civilian infrastructure, like hotels,[38][14] energy infrastructure,[19] public facilities,[39] and telecommunications and weather stations on Mount Korek[40][41] and Mount Zamnako. In Duhok Governorate the Chamanke oil fields were targeted by two drones.[32]
Mid March–7 April
On 12 March, a missile hit an Italian military base in Erbil. No injuries were reported.[42] The same day another attack took place on a training camp used by French troops deployed in Erbil, one soldier was killed and six were wounded.[6][43]
On 15 March, three IRGC missiles hit a camp of the Iranian-Kurdish opposition group Komala in the Kurdistan Region.[44]
On 24 March, a rocket attack in Erbil which targeted a Peshmerga military base killed six fighters and injured at least 30.[45]
On 28 March, the residence of Kurdistan Region President Nechirvan Barzani was targeted in a drone attack in Dohuk. The following day, Reuters reported that air defenses intercepted a drone near the residence of former Kurdish president Masoud Barzani in Erbil. The incidents were widely viewed as a significant escalation, crossing a "red line" and serving as a political message aimed at undermining the Kurdistan Region's neutrality and mediator role in the conflict, and drew widespread international condemnation.[46][47]
A U.S. Embassy security alert on 29 March warned that Iran and its aligned militias might target American universities in Sulaymaniyah and Duhok, as well as other institutions associated with the United States in the Kurdistan Region.[46]
By late March 2026, the Kurdistan Region was struck by "more than 450 drones and missiles."[48]
On 1 April, three Iranian Shahed drones struck facilities linked to the British oil company Castrol near Erbil, causing damage to energy infrastructure but no reported casualties.[49] On the same day, another drone attack targeted the Sarsang oilfield in the Chamanke sub-district of Duhok Governorate, which is operated by the U.S.-based HKN Energy.[50]
On 2 April, two drones destroyed a charcoal factory in Erbil.[51]
On 5 April, two drones struck densely populated residential areas in the Bakhtiyari neighbourhood of Sulaymaniyah.[52]
On 7 April, a drone struck the home of a family in the rural Darashakran subdistrict north of Erbil, killing a married couple and leaving behind their children. The Counter Terrorism Department said the drone was "launched from Iran," and the attack drew widespread condemnation from Kurdish leaders.[53][8]
During the Iran war ceasefire (8 April–21 April)
Despite the 2026 Iran war ceasefire, the Kurdistan Region continued to come under Iranian attacks.
On 14 April, a camp belonging to the PDKI near Koya, as well as two camps belonging to the Komala of the Toilers of Kurdistan in Sulaymaniyah and Erbil governorates, were targeted by Iranian one-way attack drones, injuring two members. Additional drones were intercepted by fighter jets.[54]
Death of Ghazal Mawlan
Ghazal Mawlan, an 18-year-old female member of the Komala of the Toilers of Kurdistan, succumbed to wounds sustained in an Iranian strike on 14 April.[55] Her death sparked controversy and public backlash after reports that she was turned away from multiple private hospitals in Sulaymaniyah, allegedly due to fears of Iranian repercussions,[56] which may have contributed to her death. She initially received treatment at Shorsh Hospital, under the Ministry of Peshmerga Affairs, but due to the severity of her injuries required transfer to specialized care. She was transported by ambulance from Shorsh Hospital, accompanied by a Komala member and a Shorsh Hospital doctor. Arriving at Asia Hospital, staff reportedly refused admission, stating they could not "handle the case." At nearby Bakhshin Hospital, she was also denied treatment due to lack of "police authorization." Its director said he was in contact with security officials seeking approval. After a 20-minute delay, Mawlan and her companions left to seek another hospital. Another private facility reportedly ended the call after learning she was a Komala Peshmerga, while Faruq Hospital agreed to admit her about five minutes after the initial call. However, she had already died upon arrival. It was also reported that local mosques denied access for traditional burial rites and public cemeteries initially refused her burial. Around 150 Kurdish thinkers, artists, and civil society activists condemned the hospitals' actions in a joint statement.[57] The Independent Commission for Human Rights in the Kurdistan Region described the denial of medical care as a violation of the right to life. The incident also prompted protests organized by Kurdish diaspora communities, while some local residents reportedly threatened to set up protest tents. Abdullah Mohtadi called for de-escalation and urged authorities to address public frustration.[58] Pro-KDP media outlets attributed responsibility to the regional authorities, referring to the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), Islamist parties, and affiliated hospitals, and criticized what they described as double standards. They stated that an "enemy soldier" would be treated, with an "emir" visiting him and "jash parliamentarians" attending to him, whereas a Kurdish fighter would not receive the same treatment.[59]
From 15 to 16 April, five separate drone attacks targeted the Kurdistan Region. One such attack targeted the PAK, which said that no casualties were incurred.[55]
On 17 April, Iranian drone attacks on a PDKI camp in Balisan, east of Shaqlawa, and in the Jazhnikan area killed three members, including two women, and injured several others.[60]
Iran war ceasefire extension (21 April–present)
On 22 April, PAK claimed that an Iranian drone attack on one of its bases resulted in three injuries.[61]
Response
Kurdistan Region
In a precautionary step, the Khor Mor gas field halted gas supplies to power stations in the Kurdistan Region over fears of being targeted by strikes, leading to electricity blackouts.[23]
In response to the targeting of one of its military bases, the Peshmerga warned that "the continuation of these terrorist acts will not go unanswered."[28] A similar statement was issued a month later, reiterating that if the Iraqi government failed to act against "terrorist groups" targeting the Kurdistan Region with drone and missile attacks, the Ministry of Peshmerga Affairs (MoPA) would be "compelled to adopt a different stance" from its current restraint.[62]
The Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) subsequently suspended official working hours in all schools, universities, and institutes across the region from 1 to 4 March. The Counter Terrorism Department also urged residents to seek shelter when air-raid sirens are heard.[23] The attacks forced schools and universities across the Kurdistan Region to suspend in-person classes for extended periods, prompting a shift to online learning.[63]
Following several days of strikes on the Kurdistan Region, Kurdish leaders, including Masoud Barzani and Bafel Talabani, warned the federal Iraqi government to take "serious" steps to stop the assaults by Shi'ite militias operating in the Iraqi borderlands, stating that "restraint also has its limits."[64]
US military response
The United States responded to the attacks by targeting Iran-aligned groups, including several factions part of the PMF.[10][65][66]
Sites targeted included PMF positions in Mosul, the Nineveh Plains,[67] Kirkuk, and Al Anbar Governorate. Some of the strikes were described as "intense" and resulted in the deaths of at least 30 PMF fighters, while several others were wounded.[65] Some of those killed in Kirkuk were reportedly members of the Turkmen Brigades within the PMF.[67]
On 18 March, the leader of the Iran-aligned Badr Organisation, Hadi al-Amiri, stated that recent airstrikes on the PMF had killed more than 60 fighters and wounded over 100, describing the attacks as a significant escalation.[68]
Diplomatic reactions
States
United Arab Emirates (UAE): The UAE condemned the attack on a Peshmerga base on 24 March, describing it as a "terrorist attack against the Kurds."[69][70]
United Kingdom (UK): UK Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper condemned the drone strikes, expressed condolences to the victims, and reaffirmed the United Kingdom's support for peace, stability, and continued cooperation with the Kurdistan Region.[71]
United States: According to Axios, U.S. President Donald Trump spoke with leaders of the Kurdistan Region's two main parties, Masoud Barzani and Bafel Talabani, a day after the bombing campaign began, discussing what were described as "sensitive" topics.[72] On 1 April 2026, Kurdistan Region President Nechirvan Barzani received a message from U.S. President Donald Trump, conveyed by U.S. envoy Tom Barrack. Trump condemned the attacks on the Kurdistan Region, including a drone strike on Barzani's residence in Duhok, and expressed condolences for Peshmerga soldiers killed in an Iranian missile strike on 24 March, wishing the injured a speedy recovery.[73]
France: On 28 March, French President Emmanuel Macron expressed condolences to Kurdistan Region President Nechirvan Barzani and the families of six Peshmerga killed in an Iranian missile strike in Soran on 24 March, and wished a speedy recovery to the wounded.[74]
Germany: On 2 April, Nechirvan Barzani held a phone call with Geza Andreas von Geyr, State Secretary of the German Federal Foreign Office, regarding the recent attacks on the Kurdistan Region, during which von Geyr reaffirmed Germany's support.[75]
Jordan: King Abdullah II of Jordan sent a letter expressing condolences to the Kurdistan Region President and to the families of the victims of the 24 March drone attack on a Peshmerga base in Soran.[71]
Qatar: Qatari Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al Thani condemned the attacks on the Kurdistan Region carried out since 28 February.[76]
Saudi Arabia: The Saudi Ministry of Foreign Affairs strongly condemned the attacks targeting the residences of Kurdistan Region President Nechirvan Barzani and KDP Leader Masoud Barzani, as well as all attacks against the Kurdistan Region.[77]
Non-state actors
Arab League: Arab League Secretary-General Ahmed Aboul Gheit condemned the drone strikes in a phone call with Kurdistan Region Prime Minister Nechirvan Barzani.[71]
Azem Alliance: The Sunni political group issued a statement condemning the attack on Nechirvan Barzani's residence.[46]
Kurdistan Communities Union (KCK): The organization strongly condemned the attacks in a written statement.[78]
Kurdish National Council (ENKS): The ENKS General Secretariat condemned the attacks as a "blatant and brutal assault" which are part of broader efforts to "destabilize the Kurdistan Region" and undermine its sovereignty.[79]
National Wisdom Movement: Iraqi Shi'ite political leader Ammar al-Hakim condemned the attacks and called for "stronger measures to protect stability."[46]
Rojava: Demonstrations erupted across Rojava, specifically in Kobane,[80] Qamishlo,[81] and Girke Lege,[82] in support of the Kurdistan Region following the Iranian strikes.