Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami

Origins

The origin of modern Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami party lies in the historical Jamaat-e-Islami movement, founded by Maulana Sayyid Abul A'la Maududi during the British Raj.^[7] The movement was established under the name of "Jamaat-e-Islami Hind" at Islamia Park, Lahore on 26 August 1941, as an "organizational platform" for promoting Maududi's vision of an Islamic state. Maududi was deeply concerned about the perceived decline of religious values due to the impact of Western secular ideologies on Muslim communities in India. Thus, he envisioned the Jamaat to be more than a political party – a "comprehensive Islamic movement" influencing all aspects of life through activities in social welfare, education, and political activism.^[8] Though the movement's stated goal was to promote social and political Islam, many analysts think that it was mainly formed from as an anti-communist force, which received favour from the British rulers.^[1]

Initially, Jamaat-e-Islami opposed the creation of a separate state of Pakistan for the Muslims of India, arguing that concept violated the Islamic doctrine of the ummah.^[9] He saw the partition as creating a temporal border that would divide Muslims from one another,^[10] while advocating for the whole of India to be reclaimed for Islam.^[11] However, Maududi eventually concluded supporting the creation of a Muslim-majority Pakistan as an opportunity to establish his envisioned Islamic state.^[8]

After the creation of Pakistan, Jamaat-e-Islami divided into separate Indian and Pakistani national organisations. When East Pakistan became independent as Bangladesh, the East Pakistan wing split out of the Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan and became Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh.^[8][12][13]

In East Pakistan (1955–1971)

Following the establishment of Pakistan, significant imbalance emerged between the eastern and the western wings of the country. The East Bengal (later East Pakistan) remained structurally disadvantaged comparing to its western counterpart, in terms of both political and economic conditions. This also contributed to regional fractionalization of the party. For example, East Bengal chapter of Jamaat supported the Bengali Language Movement in 1952, which was opposed by the central party in West Pakistan as they classified it as "calls for a greater role for Bengali identity in the State".^[8]

Though initially favouring martial law, the East Pakistan Jamaat-e-Islami participated in the democratic movement against president Ayub Khan following his government's family laws, which they deemed as un-Islamic.^[8] Ameer of Jamaat-e-Islami East Pakistan branch Ghulam Azam was a member of the all-party democratic alliance was formed in 1965 against Khan's regime, which also included Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani and Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.^{[8][14][15][16]}

During the late 1960s, Jamaat‑e‑Islami strongly resisted the rising socialist programs promoted by leaders such as Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in West Pakistan and Bhashani in East Pakistan. The party actively campaigned against these agendas, organized a large coalition of Islamic scholars and clerics, over a hundred ulema, who issued statements denouncing the Pakistan Peoples Party's socialism as "atheistic" and "anti‑Islam".^[17][18]

As the Six-Point Movement gained momentum in East Pakistan from 1966 onwards, Jamaat-e-Islami adopted a firm stance against it. The Six-Point Movement, put forth by the Awami League, demanded for extensive autonomy for East Pakistan and was viewed by Bengali nationalists as a charter for self-rule. The party viewed the movement as a divisive, secessionist agenda that threatened the solidarity of the Muslim nation and the integrity of Pakistan, as Jamaat-e-Islami's pan-Islamist ideology emphasized the unity of the country based on Islamic principles.^[19]

In the 1970 general election, Jamaat failed to gain any National Assembly seat from East Pakistan.^[1]

Bangladesh Liberation War (1971)

In 1971, Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan opposed the independence of Bangladesh and the dismemberment of Pakistan. Ghulam Azam, then head of Jamaat-e-Islami East Pakistan, delivered several speeches after 25 March 1971, excerpts of which were regularly published in the party's mouthpiece, The Daily Sangram. On 30 June in Lahore, while speaking to journalists, Azam stated that his party was making every effort to suppress what he described as the activities of "miscreants" in East Pakistan, and that many Jamaat workers had been killed by these elements as a result of their efforts.^[20]

The party actively supported the military intervention in East Pakistan and participated in a variety of human rights abuses against the civilian population of the region.^[8] It played a key role in organizing pro‑Pakistan collaborationist bodies. On 4 April 1971, twelve pro‑Pakistan leaders, including Nurul Amin, Azam, and Syed Khwaja Khairuddin, met General Tikka Khan of the Pakistan Army and assured him of their cooperation in suppressing the independence movement. Following a series of meetings, they announced the formation of the East Pakistan Central Peace Committee, which initially included 140 members, among them 96 Jamaat‑e‑Islami members who began training at an Ansar camp on Khanjahan Ali Road in Khulna.^[21][22] The committee was also alleged to have been involved in recruiting Razakar paramilitaries to assist the Pakistan Army.^[23]

On 12 October 1971, President Yahya Khan declared that elections would take place between 25 November and 9 December. Jamaat‑e‑Islami East Pakistan decided that the party would participate in the local elections. According to a government declaration issued on 2 November, 53 candidates were to be elected without contest, and Jamaat‑e‑Islami secured 14 of these uncontested seats.^[24][25]

On 2 December 1971, according to a report in The Daily Ittefaq, Azam held a one‑hour and ten‑minute meeting with President Khan in Rawalpindi. After the meeting, Azam addressed a press conference where he urged the public to give their full support to the armed forces in dealing with the ongoing crisis. He again described the Mukti Bahini as an enemy force and stated that the Razakars were sufficient to confront them, further calling for an increase in the number of Razakars.^[26]

In Bangladesh (1971–present)

Rehabilitation (1976–1991)

In 1975, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was assassinated by a group of officers of Bangladesh Army, which resulted a drastic change in Bangladeshi politics. Post-Mujibur governments were immediately recognized by both Saudi Arabia and Pakistan, and Jamaat-e-Islami resumed political activities in Bangladesh.^[27] Following the Sipahi–Janata Revolution of November 1975, Bangladesh's de facto military leader and later president Major General Ziaur Rahman actively pushed for the Islamization in the country.

On 4 May 1976, president ASM Sayem issued the Proclamation Order III that abolished the Article 38 of the constitution. The article prohibited the formation of political parties or groupings based on religious orientation. Abolition of the article allowed religiously motivated political groups to participate in the elections,^[29] paving the way for the return of groups like the Muslim League, Jamaat-e-Islami & Nizam-e-Islam previously banned for their opposition to the Liberation War.^[30]

In 1976, Jamaat-aligned leaders, uniting with some other Islamist parties, formed a political platform named Islamic Democratic League (IDL). According to Jamaat's own website, six Jamaat-aligned leaders were elected to the Jatiya Sangsad in 1979 general election from this platform.^[1] President Ziaur Rahman also allowed Azam to return to Bangladesh as the leader of Jamaat-e-Islami.^[27]

In May 1979, Abbas Ali Khan presided a convention of Jamaat-aligned IDL leaders under the name of "Jamaat-e-Islami". At the convention, Azam's speech was read out for the first time in independent Bangladesh. Jamaat's new constitution and the party's four-point programme was approved in the convention. On 27 May 1979, Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh publicly appeared and officially revealed itself in Bangladesh. Azam was elected as the ameer of the party, but did not appeared in public until 1981. As he wasn't given citizenship of Bangladesh until 1991, Khan served as the acting leader of the party.^[1]

Jamaat actively participed in the anti-Ershad movements throughout the 1980s. It participated in the 1986 general election and secured 10 seats, and boycotted the 1988 general election.^[1] However, unlike most other anti-Ershad opposition parties, the Jamaat didn't opposed the Eighth Amendment Bill that declared Islam as the state religion of Bangladesh in 1988.^[29]

Resurgence (2024–present)

Following the Resignation of Sheikh Hasina, the ban was reversed by the interim government on 28 August 2024.^[58] Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami also regained registration after an order by the Appellate Division of the Bangladesh Supreme Court on 1 June 2025.^[59][60]

Following the July Uprising, with BNP, it came out as one of the two mainstream parties in the country.^[61] It formed 11 Party Alliance with several Islamist parties and the National Citizen Party. The party secured 68 seats in 2026 general election, and became the main opposition for the first time.^[1]

Political stance

Jamaat leaders and publications have variously described their party as "modern liberal democratic",^[62][63] "Muslim democrats",^[4] "progressive and centrist Islamic"^[64] and "moderate Islamist".^[65] Although third-party independent sources have classified it as right-wing^{[66][67][68][69]} to far-right^{[70][71][72][73][74][75]} in the left-right spectrum. Apart from being Islamist, the party has also been described as conservative,^[5][76][77] neo-Islamist,^[78] and reformist.^[79] In recent times, however, according to AKM Waresul Islam, professor at North South University, Jamaat has attempted to reposition itself from being a conservative right-wing party to a centre-right party.^[80]

Originally, Jamaat-e-Islami's founder Sayyid Abul A'la Maududi developed the idea of "theo-democracy", a combination of democracy and theocracy whereby the state operates in full accordance with Islamic law in all aspects of life.^[81] He criticized both the popular sovereignty as contradictory to ḥākimīyah (sovereignty of the God) and the European style-theocracy where power is bestowed to the clergies, rather envisioned an ideal state that is ruled by the entire Muslim community in accordance with sharia.^[82][81] In Maududi's envisioned sharia-based totalitarian state, inspired by the Benito Mussolini's Fascist Party and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, democracy, freedom, individualism, and equal rights for people would be non-existent, and all non-Muslims would enjoy "inferior" rights as Dhimmis, obligated to pay jizya.^[78] However, Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami's present "neo-Islamist" politics might differ Maududi's visions.^[78]

In 2012, Jamaat had to amend some fundamental principles of its constitution to meet the conditions for the registration of parties set by the Election Commission, as the previous version allegedly conflicted to the "democratic and noncommunal structure" of the Constitution of Bangladesh and Representation of the People Order, 1972. After the amendments, the party replaced the establishment of an "Islamic system" with the "democratic system" as its stated goal. Likewise, "efforts to establish Islam as given by Allah and shown by the Messenger" was replaced with "to establish a society based on equality and justice through a democratic system and to achieve the pleasure of Allah Almighty" as main objective.^[83]

Following the execution and imprisonment of senior leaders convicted of involvement in the 1971 genocide, Jamaat experienced internal fragmentation.^[84] The reformist factions proposed ideological moderation and democratic participation, while hardliners insisted on maintaining traditional Islamist aims. Multiple splinter groups emerged, some more radical, some abandoning formal politics.^[85]

Social stance

In recent times, the party has become open on female-related issues, such as right to work outside and freedom of clothing.^[86] Similarly, the party also expressed support to the rights of religious minorities and protection of their properties.^[87] The party also retracted from its stated goal of the establishment of a sharia-based state, and focused on the creation of an "honest people's government".^[78] Despite these initiatives, the party still officially rejects female leadership and continues to uphold its traditional philosophy of introducing sharia through "electoral process".^[78]

Under Shafiqur Rahman's leadership, the party has attracted a wide range of politicians, religious minorities and the freedom fighters.^[88] Additional secretary-general of the party Mahbub Zubayer claimed that there were "hundreds of thousands" of freedom fighters within Jamaat, a claim which is difficult to verify independently.^[89] However, there are two gazetted freedom fighters who were elected as the Member of Parliament in 2026 — Md. Abdul Wares for Gaibandha-5 and Gazi Nazrul Islam for Satkhira-4.^[89]

Economic stance

Maududi was a staunch critic of capitalism.^[90] According to a Jamaat publication titled An Introduction to Bangladesh Jamaate Islami, the party aims to turn Bangladesh into an "Islamic welfare state".^[91] It also runs charities that provide religious, social, food, and medical services at the local level, which helped the party build a strong network at the grassroots.^[92]

Since the party's resurgence following the July Uprising, the party has focused on welfarist issues like social justice and anti-corruption.^[93] The party supports extensive tax cuts, reducing VAT, interest-free loans and public private ownership for factories with workers' ownership.^[94][95] Shafi Md Mostofa claimed that the party is rebranding itself in the aftermath of the revolution by putting itself in the "Islamic left".^[93]

2026 manifesto

Before 2026 general election, the party unveiled its electoral manifesto under the slogan "An uncompromising Bangladesh in the national interest", which prioritises 26 points:^[96]

1. Building an uncompromising state based on independence, sovereignty and national interest;
2. Establishing a humane Bangladesh free from discrimination, founded on justice and fairness;
3. Empowering youth and prioritising their role in state governance;
4. Creating a safe, dignified and participatory state for women;
5. Ensuring a drug-free, extortion-free and terrorism-free society through overall improvement in law and order;
6. Building a modern, smart, technology-driven society;
7. Creating large-scale employment in technology, manufacturing, agriculture and industry;
8. Free applications for government jobs, merit-based recruitment and elimination of all discrimination;
9. Reforming the banking and financial sectors to restore confidence and build a sustainable, transparent, business-friendly economy;
10. Ensuring a fair electoral environment, including elections under proportional representation (PR), strengthening the caretaker government system, and consolidating effective democracy;
11. Bringing about an agricultural revolution through technology use and increased support for farmers
12. Ensuring completely adulteration-free food security by 2030 and implementing the "Three-Zero Vision" — zero environmental degradation, zero waste and zero flood risk — to build a green, clean Bangladesh
13. Promoting small and medium enterprises and ensuring investment-friendly industrialisation and job creation;
14. Increasing workers' wages and living standards and ensuring safe, decent working conditions, especially for women;
15. Guaranteeing voting rights and all other rights of expatriates and ensuring their realistic participation in nation-building;
16. Establishing equal citizenship for all as Bangladeshis, not as majority or minority, and ensuring special support for disadvantaged groups;
17. Providing modern, universal healthcare and gradually ensuring free advanced treatment for the poor and helpless;
18. Fundamentally reforming the education system in line with global needs and gradually ensuring free education;
19. Keeping prices within people's purchasing power and ensuring access to all basic needs;
20. Overhauling transport systems and reducing travel time between the capital and divisional cities to two to three hours; improving regional and urban transport;
21. Ensuring low-cost housing for lower- and middle-income families;
22. Continuing trials and reforms to fully dismantle the fascist system and prevent its return;
23. Introducing a universal social security system to ensure safe working lives and international-standard protection for all citizens; and
24. Establishing good governance through transparency and accountability and building a happy, prosperous welfare state, with honest leadership and institutional reform to eliminate corruption.

Voter base

Following the July Uprising, surveys show that the Jamaat's strongest demographic base are younger and more educated voters, who are likely to be impressed by the perceived discipline and integrity of the party.^[5] Likewise, socially conservative women also favour the party.^[6] According to David Bergman, voters who are primarily concerned to the perceived Indian influence in Bangladesh, are also likely to vote for the party.^[4]

A June 2025 conducted survey by the South Asian Network on Economic Modeling (SANEM) on the Bangladeshis aged between 15 and 35 found that the Jamaat's projected vote share was comparatively high among the young males, comparing with the young females of the country. The survey found that 22.21% males and 20.57% females intended to vote the party in 2026 general election. The survey also found that 21.45% youths overall in the country intended to vote the party.^[97]

Leadership

Ameers

The Ameer of the Jamaat (Bengali: আমীরে জামায়াত) is the title of the head of the party. The position is de facto preserved for male only.^[99] The ameer is assisted by a group of deputies known as nayeb-e-ameer (deputy ameer). As of February 2026, four nayeb-e-ameers include A. T. M. Azharul Islam, Mojibur Rahman, Syed Abdullah Mohammad Taher, and A. N. M. Shamsul Islam.^[98] Following is the chronological list of emirs since formation of the East Pakistani wing of Jamaat-e-Islami:

More information No., Name ...

No.	Name	Portrait	Tenure	Home District
East Pakistan
1	Abdur Rahim		1956 — 1960	Pirojpur
2	Ghulam Azam		1960 — 1971	Dhaka
Bangladesh
Acting	Abbas Ali Khan		1979 — 1992	Rajshahi
3	Ghulam Azam		1992 — 2000	Dhaka
4	Motiur Rahman Nizami		2000 — 11 May 2016	Pabna
5	Maqbul Ahmed		2016 — 2019	Mymensingh
6	Shafiqur Rahman		2019 — present	Sylhet

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Secretary Generals

The Secretary General of Jamaat (Bengali: জামায়াতের সেক্রেটারি জেনারেল) is the chief administrative officer of the party. The following is the chronological list of Secretaries General since the formation of the East Pakistani wing of Jamaat-e-Islami:

More information No., Name ...

No.	Name	Portrait	Tenure	Home District
East Pakistan
1	Abdur Rahim		1956 — 1960	Pirojpur
2	Khurshid Ahmad		1960 — 1971	Punjab
Bangladesh
3	Abbas Ali Khan		1979 — 1987	Rajshahi
4	Ali Ahsan Mohammad Mojaheed		1987 — 2000	Faridpur
5	Matiur Rahman Nizami		2000 — 2001	Pabna
6	Ali Ahsan Mohammad Mojaheed		2001 — 2008	Faridpur
7	ATM Azharul Islam		2008 — 2011	Rangpur
8	Shafiqur Rahman		2011 — 2019	Sylhet
9	Mia Golam Porwar		2019 — present	Khulna

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Central Executive Council members (2026–28)

Allegations of militant links and ideological extremism

Bangladeshi security agencies have repeatedly reported ideological ties between Jamaat, its student wing Islami Chhatra Shibir, and extremist organizations such as Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB) and Harkat-ul-Jihad al-Islami (HuJI-B).^[102] Historically, the Islami Chhatra Shibir has frequently been labeled one of the most violent student organizations in South Asia.^[103] Although Jamaat denies institutional ties,^[104] extremism investigations have reported overlaps in recruitment patterns, ideological messaging, and activist networks.

Violence and human rights abuses

Following the war-crime verdict by ICT, Jamaat and Islami Chhatra Shibir engaged in violent street movements, including arson attacks, clashes with police, vandalism, and shutdowns of transportation networks during 2013–14 violence.^[105] Jamaat–Shibir activists were widely reported to have engaged in firebombing, destruction of public property, and violent attacks on security forces.^[106] Its supporters were accused of murdering opponent political party activists and instigating religious riots by spreading fraudulent news.^[107][108]

Activists from Jamaat and particularly Islami Chhatra Shibir have been implicated in violent attacks, hacking assaults, extortion, and intimidation of rival student groups and journalists.^[109] Reports by Human Rights Watch document repeated incidents in which Jamaat–Shibir supporters engaged in election-period violence, intimidation, and attacks on minority communities during political unrest.^[110]

International condemnation and public perception

Jamaat's wartime role and ideological positions have attracted global criticism. Pakistan and Turkey condemned executions of Jamaat leaders, while India supported the war-crimes trials.^[111] Western governments expressed due-process concerns but acknowledged the severity of the crimes associated with Jamaat leadership.^[112]

Public perception of Jamaat declined sharply after the rise of the Shahbag movement in 2013, in which millions demanded a ban on the party and harsher punishment for convicted war criminals.^[113]

Contradictory positions

The party has been accused of "doublespeak" on minority, women and sharia-related issues. In 2008, the party amended its constitution to include non-Muslims as "associated members" in the pressure of the Election Commission. Yet, full membership or rukon is constitutionally restricted for the non-Muslims, means that the non-Muslims cannot participate in the decision-making, leadership or policy formulation, which challenges the party's claimed so-called "inclusive politics". Besides, its constitution continue to advocate for the implementation of sharia, yet, in recent times, the party's top leaders have shown tendency of avoiding the issue in formal statements. Despite this, such advocacy continue to surface in the grassroots level, and, even, there have been accusations against the party of describing voting as a "religious duty" and linking it to the attainment of paradise.^[99]

Although not stated in the constitution, the party de facto bars women from leadership position, arguing religious obligations. This contradictory stance doesn't only come to challenge the Constitution of Bangladesh, but also questions its alignment with the Bangladesh Nationalist Party government between 2001 and 2006 under the female leader Khaleda Zia.^[99]

Bangladesh Islami Chhatrashibir

Bangladesh Islami Chhatrashibir functions as the male student wing of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, with numerous former leaders advancing to hold prominent leadership roles within the party.^[114] The organisation has significant presence at many colleges and universities of Bangladesh, including the Chittagong College, Government Bangla College, Dhaka College, Government Titumir College, University of Chittagong, University of Dhaka, Rajshahi University, Islamic University, Begum Rokeya University, Carmichael College etc. It is also influential in Madrasahs. It is the successor of East Pakistan Islami Chatra Sangha, the East Pakistani wing of Islami Jamiat-e-Talaba.^[g] It is a member of the International Islamic Federation of Student organizations and the World Assembly of Muslim Youth.^[121][122]

Bangladesh Islami Chhatri Sangstha

Bangladesh Islami Chhatri Sangstha functions as the female student wing of Jamaat-e-Islami, being established on 15 July 1978.^[123]

Bangladesh Chashi Kallyan Samity

Bangladesh Chashi Kallyan Samity is a non-governmental organization and peasant wing of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami. It was established in 1977 by Jamaat leader AKM Yusuf.^[124][125] It and other Jamaat-linked NGOs were under pressure due to crackdowns launched under the Awami League regime from 2018 to 2019 and 2024.^[126][127]

Bangladesh Mosque Mission

Bangladesh Mosque Mission functions as the mosque wing of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami.^[128] It is also registered as a social welfare organisation and non-governmental organisation.^[129]

Officially established on 25 November 1973, the organisation was registered with the Department of Social Services in 1976.^[130]

It also manages three educational institutions:^[129]

• Masjid Mission Academy
• Masjid Mission Academy School & College (boys)
• Masjid Mission Academy School & College (girls)

Jatiya Muktijoddha Parishad

Jatiya Muktijoddha Parishad (Bengali: জাতীয় মুক্তিযোদ্ধা পরিষদ, lit. 'National Freedom Fighters' Council') is the freedom fighters' wing of the Jamaat-e-Islami.^[89][131] According to the party, it was established in 2008 in order to unify the pro-Jamaat freedom fighters when calls to prosecute the war criminals of 1971 were growing.^[89] It's currently based on Paltan, Dhaka.^[89] Freedom fighters Engr. Moslem Uddin and Md. Tajirul Islam are currently serving as the president and the secretary-general of the organization.^[89] According to the party, 70 gazetted freedom fighters are in the central committee of the organization.^[89] As of 2026, the organization unregistered by the government and doesn't maintain any website, except a Facebook page, which is largely inactive.^[89]

Other organisations

• Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami Women's Wing^[132]
• Bangladesh Adarsha Shikkakh Federation (teachers wing)^[133]
• National Doctors Forum (doctors wing)^[134][135]
• Bangladesh Sramik Kallyan Federation (trade union)
• Bangladesh Lawyers Council (lawyers wing)^[123]
• Samannito Sangskritik Sangsad (cultural wing)^[123]

Jatiya Sangsad elections

More information Election year, Party leader ...

Election year	Party leader	Votes	% of Percentage	Seats	+/–	Position	Outcome
1986	Ghulam Azam	1,314,057	4.6	10 / 300	10	3rd	Opposition
1988		Boycotted		0 / 300	10	—N/a	Extra-parliamentary
1991		4,117,737	12.2	18 / 300	18	3rd	Confidence and supply
February 1996		Boycotted		0 / 300	18	—N/a	Extra-parliamentary
June 1996		3,653,013	8.6	3 / 300	3	4th	Opposition
2001	Motiur Rahman Nizami	2,385,361	4.3	17 / 300	14	4th	Coalition government
2008		3,186,384	4.6	2 / 300	15	4th	Opposition
2014		Did not contest		0 / 300	2	—N/a	Extra-parliamentary
2018	Maqbul Ahmed	Did not contest		0 / 300	0	—N/a	Extra-parliamentary
2024	Shafiqur Rahman	Did not contest		0 / 300	0	—N/a	Extra-parliamentary
2026		23,825,259	31.8	68 / 300	68	2nd	Opposition

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