Battle of De Winton Field

By 1936, the South Wales Valleys had developed into one of Britain's most politically radical regions. The region's politics were "trade-union-led and avowedly left-wing", with "great socialist orators" rising "to national prominence, cementing the Valleys' reputation as a world apart from the rest of Britain".^[2] The Rhondda, more than any other of the Valleys, became "a self-reliant, hard-living, chapel-going, poor and terrifically spirited breeding ground for radical religion and firebrand politics".^[2] The Communist Party had such influence that the town of Maerdy earned the nickname "Little Moscow" by Fleet Street in the 1930s.^[2]

This radical political culture had deep roots in the region's industrial heritage. According to Glyn Owen, "Industrialisation and subsequent unionism had politicised generations of people in mining regions of South Wales".^[3] The Great Depression had hit the area particularly hard, with "nearly half of all men unemployed by 1932", creating fertile ground for left-wing political movements whilst simultaneously making the region hostile to fascist ideology.^[4]

The British Union of Fascists, founded by Sir Oswald Mosley in 1932, had initially enjoyed considerable support across Britain, claiming some 50,000 members by the summer of 1934.^[5] However, by 1936, the movement was experiencing significant challenges. The party's embrace of Nazi-style antisemitism in 1936 led to increasingly violent confrontations with anti-fascists, and membership had declined substantially.^[6]

In Wales, the BUF had struggled to make inroads, struggling to overcome the area's entrenched left-wing political culture.^[6] Recognising the importance of gaining support in Wales, Mosley undertook a broader reorganisation of BUF operations in Wales and sent experienced organisers to the region. Tommy Moran, a former Newcastle miner, Navy boxer, and qualified engineer who had joined the BUF in 1933 after leaving the Labour Party, was deployed to south Wales in 1934. His mining background made him an ideal candidate to connect with Welsh mining communities, following the BUF's strategy of sending organisers that local populations could identify with.^[1]

BUF propaganda officer Tommy Moran, accompanied by a small group of Blackshirts and a small black van fitted with loudspeakers, scheduled a rally to be held in a field near the Tonypandy town centre. The choice of location was strategic yet problematic for the fascists. "The BUF had not advertised its meeting in Tonypandy knowing full-well the reputation of the area", understanding that the Valleys' strong socialist and communist traditions would likely generate significant opposition.^[3]

"Despite their attempts at secrecy, when the news leaked of the shortly pending arrival, thousands of people were quickly assembled and mobilised".^[3] The local left-wing and anti-fascist groups, which included socialists, communists, trade unionists, and local residents, quickly learned of the rally and began organising their response. Annie Powell, who later became mayor of Penygraig and the first communist mayor in the UK, has stated that the anti-fascist organisers swore that "not even one Welsh sheep will hear the Mosley message."^[7] This defiant declaration reflected the determined opposition that the BUF would face in attempting to spread their message in the politically hostile environment of the Welsh Valleys.

On the morning of 11 June 1936, a small black BUF van equipped with large loudspeakers arrived in Tonypandy. The vehicle patrolled the streets, announcing that there would be a meeting in De Winton Field, a nearby open area near the town centre. Tommy Moran and his small group of Blackshirts set up their makeshift platform, likely using a ladder to access the roof of the van to address the assembled crowd.

When the rally was due to be held, the scale of the anti-fascist response became immediately apparent. According to newspaper reports from the time, "a crowd of 5,000-6,000 'socialists and communists' turned out at De Winton Field to confront the fascist speakers".^[3] This represented a stunning demonstration of the power of anti-fascist sentiment in the area, with the demonstrators vastly outnumbering the small group of BUF organisers.

The anti-fascist crowd was diverse, comprising local miners, trade unionists, socialists, communists, and residents from across the Valleys. Many had direct experience of political activism, including some who had participated in previous industrial disputes such as the Tonypandy Riots of 1910–11, which had established the area's reputation for militant resistance to authority.

Protected by police, the fascists attempted to hold their speeches, but were immediately drowned out by jeers, whistles, and heckling from the protesters.^[8] The anti-fascist demonstrators employed various tactics to disrupt the meeting, creating such a din that Moran and his colleagues found it virtually impossible to deliver their message. The situation escalated when "the situation soon turned violent, with stones being hurled at the fascists who attempted to continue their speeches".^[8] The protesters had come prepared for confrontation, and as tensions rose, missiles including stones and other projectiles were thrown at the BUF speakers. Despite police protection, the fascists found themselves under sustained attack from the hostile crowd.

Faced with overwhelming opposition and unable to deliver their speeches effectively, the BUF organisers were forced to abandon their rally. "After just half an hour, the fascists were forced to give up the rally and flee."^[8] The speed of the fascists' withdrawal - lasting only thirty minutes from start to finish - demonstrated both the effectiveness of the anti-fascist mobilisation and the BUF's inability to cope with such sustained and organised opposition. The retreat marked a decisive victory for the anti-fascist demonstrators and represented a humiliating defeat for the BUF's attempts to establish a foothold in Wales.

The event concluded with the demonstrators successfully preventing the spread of fascist propaganda in their community, and they likely celebrated their victory at the nearby De Winton Inn, after which the field was named.^[9]