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Danubian Federation

Unrealised proposals to establish a federal or confederal political order in Danube region From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The Danubian Federation or Danubian Confederation (German: Donauföderation or Donaukonföderation) is a collective term for a series of unrealised proposals to establish a federal or confederal political order in the Danube region. From the mid-19th to the mid-20th century, plans associated with the term ranged from the replacement or federalisation of the Habsburg monarchy to unions of the states created after the dissolution of Austria-Hungary. During and after the Second World War, some proposals also envisaged the inclusion of Austria and parts of southern Germany.[1]

The territories of Austria-Hungary formed the geographical core of many proposals for a Danubian federation.

There was no single, generally accepted programme for a Danubian federation. Its proponents differed over its territorial extent, constitutional organisation and relationship to the Habsburg dynasty. A recurring objective, however, was to reconcile the political autonomy of the region's nationalities with economic and security cooperation among states situated between Germany and Russia or, later, the Soviet Union.[2]

Nineteenth-century origins

One of the best-known early proposals was developed by the Hungarian revolutionary Lajos Kossuth after the defeat of the Hungarian Revolution of 1848. Kossuth produced an initial draft of a confederative project while in exile in the Ottoman Empire in 1850 and revised it during the following decade. The plan became publicly associated with him in 1862. It was influenced by the federalist ideas of Giuseppe Mazzini and the Romanian revolutionary Nicolae Bălcescu, as well as by Kossuth's Hungarian and Italian associates.[3][1]

Kossuth envisaged an association of Hungary with neighbouring states and peoples, particularly Romania and Serbia. The members would retain substantial internal autonomy while cooperating in matters of common interest. Drawing on the constitutional system of the United States, he intended the confederation to replace Habsburg rule with a multinational union. The project nevertheless remained tied to Kossuth's concept of historic Hungary. In particular, the status of Transylvania and the absence of separate recognition for the Slovaks remained contentious.[3][4]

Related federalist ideas sought to preserve rather than abolish the Habsburg monarchy. The Romanian politician Aurel Popovici presented one of the most detailed examples in his 1906 book Die Vereinigten Staaten von Groß-Österreich (The United States of Greater Austria). Popovici proposed replacing the dualist structure of Austria-Hungary with fifteen federal member states whose boundaries would be based primarily on ethnic and linguistic criteria. His plan was intended to end Hungarian political predominance and Magyarization while combining national autonomy with continued loyalty to the Habsburg emperor.[5]

Popovici's scheme was associated with the political circle surrounding Archduke Franz Ferdinand, sometimes known as the Belvedere group. The Slovak politician Milan Hodža, who later became one of the principal advocates of a Danubian federation, also participated in discussions within this circle.[6]

Proposals after the First World War

The dissolution of Austria-Hungary in 1918 transformed the character of the federalist debate. Proposals no longer primarily concerned the internal reform of the Habsburg monarchy, but the political and economic relationship between its successor states. The victorious powers considered various forms of regional cooperation as a means of stabilising Central Europe, preventing the union of Austria with Germany and discouraging Hungarian attempts to revise the territorial provisions of the Treaty of Trianon. French policy periodically supported the concept in connection with the Little Entente, although the alliance's members and Hungary pursued conflicting territorial interests.[1][7]

Milan Hodža became one of the most prominent interwar proponents of regional federation. As a leading member of the Czechoslovak Agrarian Party and later Prime Minister of Czechoslovakia, he promoted cooperation between the predominantly agrarian states of Central and Southeastern Europe. His proposals combined political federation with agrarian democracy, economic modernisation and guarantees of cultural and linguistic autonomy.[6]

In Bavaria, the collapse of the German and Austro-Hungarian monarchies also generated short-lived proposals to reorganise southern Central Europe. In November and December 1918, the Bavarian People's Party politician Georg Heim suggested that Bavaria should leave the German Reich and unite with Vorarlberg, Tyrol, Salzburg and Upper Austria. Heim discussed the division of Germany with a representative of French Marshal Ferdinand Foch. A wider project joining southwestern Germany and Austria was sometimes described as a "Rhine–Danube Confederation". The proposal did not acquire sufficient political support and disappeared from serious discussion during the early years of the Weimar Republic.[1]

Proposals during the Second World War

The idea of a Central European federation regained prominence among politicians and intellectuals in exile during the Second World War. The military weakness of the interwar successor states and their occupation or domination by Nazi Germany appeared to demonstrate the vulnerability of small independent countries located between Germany and the Soviet Union. British policymakers were generally more receptive to federative arrangements than the Soviet government, which regarded regional blocs in East-Central Europe as potential barriers to Soviet influence.[8]

Hodža set out his most developed proposal in Federation in Central Europe, published in London in 1942. His projected federation comprised four Slavic states—Poland, Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria and Yugoslavia—and four non-Slavic states—Austria, Hungary, Romania and Greece. Hodža estimated their combined population at approximately 110 million; Albania or Turkey could subsequently have been associated with the organisation.[8]

The federation was to have a president, a federal chancellor, a government and a Federal Congress. The central government would control foreign affairs, defence, finance, international trade, communications and federal law, while the constituent states would retain their national institutions. Members of the Federal Congress were initially to be appointed by the national parliaments rather than elected directly. Hodža regarded the arrangement as both a regional security organisation and an intermediate stage towards wider European integration.[8]

Otto von Habsburg advanced a separate proposal in his 1942 article "Danubian Reconstruction". He argued that the political fragmentation of the Danube basin after 1918 had contributed to the weakness of the region and advocated its reconstruction as a democratic confederation. Although his plan was associated with the Habsburg tradition, it did not simply propose the restoration of the pre-1918 dual monarchy.[9]

A further version appeared in Allied discussions about the post-war partition of Germany. At the Tehran Conference on 1 December 1943, British Prime Minister Winston Churchill proposed separating Prussia from the remainder of Germany and detaching Bavaria, Baden, Württemberg and the Palatinate to make them part of a "Confederation of the Danube" together with Hungary and Austria.[10][1]

Joseph Stalin rejected Churchill's proposal, arguing that the incorporation of German territories into a larger federation would allow German political power to re-emerge and eventually dominate the other members. Franklin D. Roosevelt agreed with Stalin's objections. The Soviet preference for separate states, together with the increasing division of Europe into Allied spheres of influence, made the establishment of a Danubian federation politically unrealistic.[10][1]

Post-war period

Discussion of a Danubian federation briefly continued in Bavaria after 1945. Opponents of strong German federalism sometimes used the term as a warning against Bavarian separatism or the dissolution of Germany. The Bavarian politicians Anton Pfeiffer and Alois Hundhammer were associated with such plans in press reports, but no substantial programme for a Danubian federation existed within the Christian Social Union. The idea functioned largely as a political "phantom" during the party's internal disputes. Even the separatist Bavaria Party politician Josef Panholzer rejected a union between Bavaria and Austria.[1]

The debate had largely ended by the adoption of the West German Basic Law in 1949. In East-Central Europe, Soviet predominance and the establishment of communist governments also eliminated the political conditions for an independent regional federation.[1][6] After the end of the Cold War and the fall of the Berlin Wall, the countries of Central Europe joined the European Union. In addition, various regional organizations and integration projects were promoted, like the Visegrád Format, the Central European Initiative, the Bucharest Nine, the Three Seas Initiative.

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