Ikseon-dong

Goryeo period

Gyodong (校洞) in Jungbu, Hanseongbu, Joseon, covered the area that is now Gyeongwun-dong, Nagwon-dong, Jongno 2-ga, and Jongno 3-ga.^[1] Honorary Professor Choe Jong-hyeon of Hanyang University's Department of Urban Engineering inferred from a record in which Yi Bang-won (Taejong) ordered "build a secondary palace (Changdeokgung) on the land east of Hyanggyodong" that Gyodong was already a large village in the early Joseon period, large enough to be deliberately avoided when constructing palaces.^{[3][주 1]} Furthermore, considering that Jongno, Donhwamun-ro [ko], and the flanking Pimagil [ko] were roads laid out in straight lines during the Joseon period, he concluded that the diagonal alleys intersecting these roads must have existed from the preceding Goryeo period.^[5] One trace of this is Donhwamun-ro 11na-gil, which runs north–south through Ikseon-dong; in the Goryeo period this alley was the Geumwiyeong Stream [ko], with a path running along the left bank of the stream.^[6]

Joseon period

Ikseon-dong contained the Donneyong-bu [ko] and Nudong Palace [ko]. Donneyong-bu was the government office that managed the king's relatives who did not belong to the Jongchinbu [ko]. ^[7] Nudong Palace was the residence of the descendants of Jeon-gye Daewogun [ko]. Cheoljong was born in a house on the site of Nudong Palace, and after ascending to the throne, he built a new house on his former homesite for his elder brother, Yeongpyeong-gun Yi Gyeong-eung [ko], to live in.^[8] That house is Nudong Palace.^[9] Within Nudong Palace was Jeon-gye Palace [ko], a shrine enshrining three figures: Jeon-gye Daewogun, Wanyang Budaebuuin Choe, and Yongseong Budaebuuin Yeom.

Originally, this area belonged to Jeongson-bang (貞善坊). The Dongguk Yeoji Bigo records that under Jeongson-bang were the sub-districts of Birojeon-gye, Imgisonson-gye, Gimmannyeon-gye, Sumundong-gye, Gobyeongjo-gye, Donneyong-bu Sang-gye (敦寧府上契), Donneyong-bu Ha-gye, Pajajeon-gye, Hamijeon-gye, Daemyodong-gye, Uijeon 1-gye, and Uijeon 2-gye,^[10] of which Ikseon-dong corresponds to part of the Donneyong-bu gye. The Yukjeon jorye [ko] records that under Jeongson-bang were Daemyodong-gye, Uijeon 1-gye, 2-gye, Hamijeon-gye, Pojeon-gye (布廛契), Sumundong-gye, Gimmannyeon-gye, Imgisonson-gye, Birojeon-gye, Gobyeongjo-gye, Donneyong Sang-gye, Ha-gye, and Pajajeon-gye,^[11] of which Ikseon-dong corresponds to part of Donneyong-gye.

Following the Gabo Reform, the five bu were abolished and five seo (署) were established.^[12] At that time, the sub-administrative units of Jeongson-bang in Jungbu (中署) were as follows.^[13] In the late Joseon period, a dong (洞) was a unit of residents' living space based on alleys;^[14] a single dong did not necessarily correspond to a single bang (坊) or gye (契), and could belong to multiple bang or gye.^[15]

Japanese colonial period

In 1914, the Japanese colonial government reorganized the existing dong of Gyeongseong-bu by dissolving and merging them into new jeong (町) and dong.^[16] Around 1921, Samil-daero 30-gil [ko], which cuts east–west through the center of Ikseon-dong, was opened.^[17] Around this time, Min Yeong-chan also lived in Ikseon-dong.^[18] The former private residence of Wanhwa-gun [ko], known as Wanhwa Palace (完和宮), was also in Ikseon-dong; an educational facility called Bando Women's Academy (半島女子學院) was later established there.^[19]

From the late 1920s to the early 1930s, Ikseon-dong was developed into a hanok district by real estate developer Jeong Se-gwon [ko]. As Japanese settlers living south of Cheonggyecheon in Namchon began expanding northward into areas predominantly populated by Koreans in the 1920s,^[20] Jeong Se-gwon countered this by building hanok communities for Koreans in Bukchon, Ikseon-dong, Bongik-dong, Chebu-dong, Changshin-dong, and other areas.^[21] He typically purchased a large hanok estate, demolished it, and built numerous small hanok tightly packed together.^[22] In Ikseon-dong, he developed lot 33 (formerly Wanhwa Palace) in 1929, and lots 166, 33-16, and 19 (formerly Nudong Palace) the following year.^[23] Meanwhile, the last owner of Nudong Palace, Yi Hae-seung [ko], sold the palace and used the proceeds to buy land in Hongeun-dong; in 1988, his grandson Yi U-yeong built a hotel there.^[24]

Many artists also lived in Ikseon-dong. The homes of Hong Myeong-hui (known as the 'Palheongmun house'), Kim Eok [ko], Park Jin, Yi Gi-yeong, and Yi Hae-jo [ko] were all located here.^[25] The house of calligrapher and painter Kim Yong-jin and Yi Byeong-jik later became the gisaeng restaurant Ojin-am.^[26][27] Famous pansori singer Kim Cho-hyang [ko] also lived in Ikseon-dong, and in 1931 donated her home to serve as the office of the Joseon Music Association.^[28] In 1937, Kim Jong-ik purchased a house in Ikseon-dong and gave it to the Joseon Classical Music Research Society [ko] (조선성악연구회), the successor to the Joseon Music Association, for use by Song Man-gap [ko] and Park Rok-ju [ko] as well.^[29] This house was at lot 159 in Ikseon-dong; by 1994, the society's office rooms and the rooms used by the masters had already been demolished, leaving only the hanok where they practiced, which at the time was being used as a restaurant called 'Hanok'.^[30][31][32] According to Park Rok-ju's 1974 memoir, Kim Jong-ik also bought a home for her in 1937;^[33] in her later years, Park Rok-ju lived in a hanok at 21-4 Donui-dong, separated from Ikseon-dong by a single alley.^[34]

Post-liberation 20th century

According to testimony from Ikseon-dong residents, the neighborhood in the 1960s–70s had prominent figures living north of Samil-daero 30-gil, working-class residents around lot 166, and a working-class entertainment district to the south.^[35] Gisaeng restaurants (yojeong) [ko] were scattered throughout Ikseon-dong; as of December 1969, the three highest tax-paying establishments in Seoul—Ojin-am (monthly ₩1.23 million), Okryujang (monthly ₩1.02 million), and Daeha—were all located in Ikseon-dong.^[36] Among these, Ojin-am (梧珍庵) was a yojeong established around 1953 in a 700-pyeong hanok built in the early 1900s.^[37] In 1972, Yi Hu-rak [ko] and Pak Seong-cheol [ko] held discussions there that led to the July 4th North–South Joint Statement, and it was frequently visited by political and business figures; along with Samcheongak and Daewon-gak, it was famous as one of the centers of yojeong politics in the 1970s–80s. At its peak, it employed some 70–80 staff and received the same number of guests per day.^[38] The influence of this yojeong culture is why hanbok shops and fortune-telling shops still remain in Ikseon-dong today.^[39][40] However, from the 1980s onwards, the wealthy began moving to Gangnam, and as the working class saw their children leave home, the elderly predominantly remained in Ikseon-dong.^[41] Between the houses were metalworking workshops supplying the jewelry district along Jongno 3-ga, and hanbok sewing workshops producing wedding trousseau items.^[42]

Meanwhile, from just after liberation, a large red-light district called Jongsam (鍾三) had existed from Tapgol Park to Jongno 5-ga; it was entirely eliminated between September and October 1968 in an operation called 'Nabi Jakjeon' (Butterfly Operation) under Seoul Mayor Kim Hyeon-ok [ko].^[43] After Jongsam was dissolved, the spaces formerly used as brothels became vacant,^[44] and by the late 1970s gay bars began opening around Pagoda Theater, forming an LGBT community spanning Nagwon-dong, Ikseon-dong, and Donui-dong.^[45][46] Gay men who had been gathering in Sindang-dong and Euljiro since the 1960s migrated to the Nagwon-dong area after the Seongdong Theater in Sindang-dong closed in the early 1990s, and men in their 20s–30s who had begun gathering in Itaewon around the same time also moved to this area in the 2000s as gay venues there declined.^[45]

21st century

Despite its central urban location, Ikseon-dong retained its hanok and aged houses built in the modern era until the late 1990s.^[47] In 1997, 63% of residents supported redevelopment,^[47] and in 1999 redevelopment was blocked once due to hanok preservation concerns,^[48] but parts of Ikseon-dong were partially developed with officetel buildings.^[49][50] In the meantime, Jongno-gu Office pursued full-scale redevelopment of Ikseon-dong,^[51] and on May 6, 2004, an area of 31,121.5 m² around lot 165 was designated the Ikseon Urban Environment Improvement Zone.^[52] The residents pushing for development planned to build five-story commercial buildings adjacent to Donhwamun-ro [ko] and, further inside, 13–14-story officetels, hotels, and apartments; the Seoul Metropolitan City Urban Planning Committee, noting the proximity to Insadong, recommended that traditional Korean elements be incorporated into the architecture.^[53]

In December 2008, Seoul Metropolitan Government proposed a plan to preserve hanok in the concentrated hanok areas of Chebu-dong, Myeongnyun-dong, Sajik-dong, and Ikseon-dong while guiding developers to preserve some hanok when developing dense hanok areas,^[54] and in 2010, the Seoul Urban Planning Committee rejected the Ikseon-dong redevelopment plan on grounds of hanok preservation.^[55] Subsequently, in March 2013, 52% of residents voted in favor and the redevelopment promotion committee was dissolved; in July 2014 a request was filed to lift the urban environment improvement zone designation, but three months later the urban planning committee expressed concern about unregulated development following dedesignation.^[56] As Seoul Metropolitan Government moved to establish a district unit plan as a countermeasure, conflicting interests and an administrative vacuum caused Ikseon-dong to begin changing rapidly.^[56] Cafés, bars, and other establishments unrelated to residents' daily life began appearing from late 2014 to early 2015 around Supyo-ro 28-gil 17-beon (the former Nudong-gung 1-gil), known as the 'Jungang-ro', and Ikseon-dong began commercializing;^[57][58] businesses with newly renovated interiors inside traditional hanok exteriors opened one after another, and the area became popular as a tourist destination in the heart of the city.^[59] On May 10, 2018, the urban environment improvement zone was lifted, and simultaneously the Ikseon District Unit Plan Zone was designated to preserve the area's historical character and place identity.^[60][61]

Meanwhile, Ojin-am, the last remaining yojeong in Ikseon-dong, changed hands multiple times, struggled financially from 2006, and finally closed at the end of July 2010 due to the owner's health issues.^[38] Ojin-am was demolished in September 2010,^[62] and on its site the Ibis Ambassador Seoul Insadong hotel opened on October 25, 2013.^[63] Jongno-gu Office opened the Mugyewon (武溪園) cultural space at the Mugyejeongsa site [ko] in Buam-dong, incorporating some materials from Ojin-am, on March 20, 2014,^[64] and the Seoul Museum of History holds the original signboard of Ojin-am in its collection.^[65] As foot traffic in Ikseon-dong increased, hotels have been established in Ikseon-dong and its surroundings even after the Ibis hotel, attracting tourists.^[66]

Tourism

During the Japanese colonial period, gisaeng belonging to gwonbeon (gisaeng registries) lived in the area around Donhwamun that included Ikseon-dong.^[68][69] Gisaeng of Hannam Gwonbeon (漢南券番)—including Hyeon Gye-ok [ko], Kim Nok-ju (金綠珠), Kim Nam-su (金南洙), and Park Rok-ju [ko], all from the southern provinces—performed pansori and changgeuk, nurturing female pansori performers.^[70][71] The Yi Wang-jik Aak Department [ko], the successor of Jangakwon [ko] and predecessor of the National Gugak Center, was located in the nearby Unni-dong [ko] from 1926,^[72] and gugak performances were held at its Ilsodang (佾韶堂); the masters had to practice pansori wrapped in winter quilts even in midsummer because the tightly packed houses in the narrow alleys provided no soundproofing, as tradition has it.^[68]

After liberation, Ikseon-dong was home to first-class gisaeng (一牌妓生) who transmitted and performed gugak, as well as second-class gisaeng (二牌妓生, or eungeunjja) who engaged in clandestine prostitution.^[68][73][74] Yojeong including Ojin-am (established 1953), Daeha, Myeongwol, Cheongpung (→Dowon), and the still-operating traditional Korean restaurant Songam (淞庵) took up residence in Ikseon-dong.^[37][75][76] The yojeong of Ikseon-dong entered their heyday in the early 1970s as gwangwang (tourism) yojeong culture flourished.^[75] Ojin-am, frequently visited by Japanese tourists, was designated one of 12 gwangwang yojeong licensed to serve foreigners in October 1972,^[77] and was also a venue for gugak performances.^[68] Traces of gugak remain today: the granddaughter of the famous singer Im Bang-ul [ko], Im Hyang-nim, established a pansori research institute in Ikseon-dong,^[78] and the Jongno 1·2·3·4-ga-dong Community Center, which relocated to Ikseon-dong, opened the Uri Sori Library on its 4th and 5th floors on December 14, 2017.^[79]

In the 1990s, yojeong culture declined due to growing overseas tourism demand, the introduction of the real-name financial transaction system, and the rise of competing room salons,^[75][78][80] but tourists began to take notice of Ikseon-dong for preserving the feel of a 'lived-in alley' without the commercialization seen in nearby Bukchon or Seochon.^[35] The first shop opened in the inner alleys of Ikseon-dong by an outsider was a traditional tea house called 'Deul-an'; its owner recalled that "(in January 2009) when I opened the tea house, there was no one here."^[81][56] Deul-an was also a filming location for the Korean-Japanese co-production Café Seoul [ko] (2010). Director Takemasa Haru (武正晴) said he was inspired by Ikseon-dong's hanok alleys and the similarities between Korean tteok and Japanese mochi.^[82] Many Japanese tourists visited Deul-an following the film, which starred idol group UN's Kim Jeong-hun,^[81] leaving photographs, letters, and gifts at the tea house, which appeared in the film as a rice cake shop called 'Morandan'.^[83] Beyond that, Deul-an was occasionally visited by those studying architecture or history, and served as a gathering place for residents discovering and studying Ikseon-dong's value.^[35] Until early 2014, Deul-an was the only shop in Ikseon-dong opened by an outsider.^[84]

From late 2014, shops by young artists and entrepreneurs—such as the café 'Sikmul'^{[주 2]} and the gama (corner store–bar) 'Geobukisyupeo'—appeared and gained attention through social media, triggering Ikseon-dong's commercialization.^[86] Ikseon-dong was featured in Documentary 3 Days [ko] in February 2016, after which it became widely known;^[87][88] from 2016 to 2019, arcades, comic book shops, Western-style restaurants, and shops renting Enlightenment-era clothing, all renovated to preserve the hanok appearance, opened there,^[89][90] and within just a few years the neighborhood lost its quiet ambiance.^[91] With the 'newtro' (new + retro) trend—blending nostalgia with contemporary sensibility—sweeping through those in their 20s and 30s from the late 2010s, Ikseon-dong became known as a newtro hub alongside Euljiro and Hongdae.^[92][93] The commercialization and expansion of Ikseon-dong resulted in its inclusion in the Korea Tourism 100 (2019–2020) published biennially by the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism and the Korea Tourism Organization,^[94] but also brought gentrification issues.^[95] In 2017, the Korea Research Institute for Human Settlements reported that rents in Ikseon-dong had quadrupled over six years, rising 50% year-on-year in 2017 alone, placing Ikseon-dong in Stage 3 of four stages of gentrification—characterized by rising rents and deepening commercialization.^[96]

Hanok

As of January 2018, there are 119 hanok in Ikseon-dong, of which 37 are residential.^[97] By zone: north of Samil-daero 30-gil in lot 33, surveys found 87 hanok out of 169 buildings in 2006 and 53 out of 159 in 2014; south of that in lot 166, surveys found 200 hanok out of 248 buildings in 2006 and 181 out of 243 in 2014,^{[98][99][주 3]} indicating a declining trend.

The area widely known as Ikseon-dong's hanok village is lot 166. Lot 166 (2,574 pyeong), formerly Nudong Palace, was owned by Yi Hae-seung [ko]; on December 9, 1920, it was subdivided as lot 166-2 (2,574 pyeong), with ownership transferred to Park Yeong-hyo and two others, and on September 30, 1929, it was further subdivided as lot 166-5 (2,428.9 pyeong), with ownership transferred to Changdeokgung.^[100] During the September 1929 lot subdivision and ownership transfer process, a price difference of approximately 7,000 won was realized, helping Yi Hae-seung repay his debts.^[101] On August 20, 1930, lot 166-5 was subdivided into lots 166-14 through 166-60; lot 166-52 (735.6 pyeong) comprised an undivided large plot and four straight north–south alleys, while the remainder was subdivided into plots each large enough for a single house.^[102][103] Lot 166-52 was subdivided in four stages between November 14, 1930 and December 21 of the following year into lots 166-65 through 166-84.^[104] Subdividing a lot in the north–south direction allows more houses to be arranged than an east–west split, minimizes the distance from the gate to each unit when side rooms or outbuildings were rented out, and gives each unit the advantage of easier privacy.^[105]

Jeong Se-gwon became involved in development at the stage when lots 166-14 through 166-60 had already been subdivided. For this reason, the eastern section of lot 166, where Jeong Se-gwon could not take the lead, has an average lot area of 53.1 pyeong, relatively large; but in the western section subdivided from lot 166-52, Jeong's intention to supply as many houses as possible is reflected in an average lot area of just 21.7 pyeong.^[106] The hanok here follow a basic four-room 'module' of kitchen–master room–floor (maru)–guest room; depending on the presence of outbuildings, this module takes an L-shape (ㄷ) or U-shape (ㅁ).^[107] The master room and guest room have underfloor heating (ondol). The reason for this module configuration is that these elements are considered essential to any hanok regardless of time and place, and the reason for the angled forms is the desire to fit as many houses as possible on narrow land.^[107] Most roofs were gable (맞배) style.^[108] Two buildings were constructed in the jungdang-sik (中堂式, central-hall) style, with rooms arrayed around a central living room; they were designed with the living room and rooms (except the kitchen) facing south for maximum sunlight, and the entire space under the roof was made into an attic to secure generous storage.^{[109][주 4]} The two jungdang-sik hanok remain at lots 166-53 and 166-65;^[111] Chang Myon lived in lot 166-53 from 1932 to 1936, before moving to his house in Myeongnyun 4-ga.^[112]

Lot 166 was preserved because it does not adjoin a main road and its alleys are too narrow for cars,^[113] but much of it has been damaged by Ikseon-dong's commercialization. While shops that moved in during 2013–15 by renovating hanok only touched up interiors, by 2015–16 glass was replacing exterior walls and gates and glass ceilings were being placed atop tiled roofs, and from 2017 the dominant pattern became gutting everything except the tiled roof.^[114]

Sexual minorities

Ikseon-dong had been a gathering place for sexual minorities since the late 20th century. Gay bars in the Nagwon-dong and Ikseon-dong area operate without signage indicating they are gay venues, as gay male clientele finds them through word of mouth within the community without any advertising; the area temporarily becomes populated with gay men from late evening through the night.^[115] To prevent non-LGBT people from entering by mistake, some fly a rainbow flag,^[116] or display markers known only to LGBT people.^[117] Unlike Itaewon, which is centered on nightclubs, this area is mostly bars.^[118] These venues continued to operate during the COVID-19 pandemic,^[119] and after it was revealed that a COVID-19 patient who had visited an Itaewon gay club had also visited Ikseon-dong, several LGBT rights groups announced their commitment to enabling sexual minorities to receive COVID-19 tests without rights violations.^[120]

As non-LGBT people increased in the Ikseon-dong alley known among sexual minorities as 'Gerosaegil' (Gay + Garosu-gil), sexual minorities felt uncomfortable under their prejudiced gaze and even feared being outed.^[121] Seoul Metropolitan Government is pursuing urban regeneration in the area between Samil-daero [ko] and Seosuranggil [ko] centered on Donhwamun-ro [ko], under the name 'Historical and Cultural Regeneration Plan',^[when?] but has drawn criticism for failing to consider the LGBT history that clearly existed there.^[46][122] In response, the 2018 Korea Queer Film Festival screened Kwon Uk's independent documentary Dada-Ikseon (2018), which documented the LGBT community in and around Ikseon-dong.^[123]