Mbugu people

Historically the Mbugu were in the vicinity of Lake Victoria or, less likely, Lake Eyasi. However, Archibald Tucker's informant used the Swahili phrase bahari ya pili, which means 'the other/second sea' and can also refer to a broad plain. As a result, it's possible that the Serengeti was in mind. From there, the Kwavi drove the Mbugu away and followed them to Mugwe in the east. Meinhof speculates that they may have interacted with the Burungi there or nearby. Similar to Mbugu, Burungi, like Iraqw, is a Southern Cushitic language.^[1]

The tribe then divided into three sections, traveling once again eastward through Moshi and Same to Lasa in the valley between the western Usambara Mountains and the southern Pare Mountains. Previously, the tribe had been in Ugweno, in the northern Pare Mountains.

The tribe was divided into three groups: six clans of Mbugu; six clans each of Nango and Dufu. When the Maasai attacked them at Lasa, they broke off once more: the Dufu moved south into Zigua territory and assimilated into the Zigua; the Nango went to Shume in Usambara and continued to be a Sambaa clan.^[1]

The remaining group (the six Mbugu clans) reversed into Pare, where they later kept in touch with Vudei for a long time. The Mbugu travelled to Usangi, which is immediately south of Ugweno, but it is unclear at what point they were there. Later, they relocated south once more, this time to Shume in Usambara. Some writers, like Meyer, have used the name Kwambugu to refer to a region in the same general area of Usambara as Shume. They discovered the Nango already established here; later, they expanded into Usambara, reaching Malo, Magamba near Lushoto, and Bumbuli.^[1]

The first Mbugu group to enter Shambaai (Usambara) were a splinter faction known as the Nango. They arrived in Shume, located on the western side of Shambaai, at least a generation prior to Mbegha's arrival. Historical traditions indicate that the Nango originated from the Gonja lineage of the Mbugu people. The split occurred during the Gonja's migration from Pare to Shambaai. As they neared Shambaai, a disagreement arose, leading the Gonja to return to Pare while the future Nango continued to Shume, where they established their primary settlements.^[2]

The traditions regarding the cause of this split vary. The Nango assert that their leader turned back due to the injury of two cows, while the Mbugu claim that the division stemmed from a dispute over livestock losses incurred during raids by the Iloikop Maasai. Following their establishment, the Nango adopted hunting practices, disregarding earlier prohibitions against consuming wild animal flesh, which ultimately led to their permanent exclusion from Mbugu society.^[3]

Subsequent to the arrival of the Nango, the Mbugu lineages began to enter Shambaai. There were six distinct Mbugu lineages, each entering the mountainous region via different routes and settling in areas that were less favorable to the Shambaa population, primarily along the dry western side of the mountains in Shume or in the high, inaccessible central mountain region.^[4]

Once the Mbugu settled in Shambaai, the Nango, who maintained their settlements in Shume, began to expand throughout the mountainous areas. The Nango gradually adopted the Shambaa language, while the Mbugu continued to speak a separate language that remains unintelligible to the Shambaa. The divergence between the Nango and the Mbugu regarding the taboo on consuming wild animal flesh likely reflects a broader disagreement about adapting to the Shambaa economy. The Nango chose to embrace the Shambaa way of life, leading them to coexist with the Shambaa and utilize the region's resources collaboratively.^[5]

A distinction exists between the solidarity institutions that connected the older Shambaa descent groups and those of the Nango and Mbugu. Among the older Shambaa, collective action that transcended village boundaries was primarily based on neighborhood ties. In contrast, the Nango, despite their expansion into Shambaa neighborhoods, maintained allegiance to their extensive group, regardless of location. This tension between the new political dynamics and the traditional framework ultimately contributed to the Shambaa's acceptance of Mbegha.^[6]

The strong allegiance of the Nango to their larger group, as well as the Mbugu to theirs, despite territorial dispersion, is evident in their marriage and ritual practices. Nango individuals were permitted to marry within their own group, while the Mbugu continue to favor marriages within Mbugu society. The Nango comprised six lineages, each claiming descent from a distinct ancestor, yet all recognizing their common origin. Individuals could not marry within their own lineage but were free to marry members of any other Nango lineage. Similarly, the Mbugu had a comparable structure of six lineages.^[7]

Conversely, Shambaa individuals were prohibited from marrying within their own descent groups. Consequently, each marriage among the Shambaa tended to strengthen local groups and foster neighborhood integration. In contrast, marriages between Nango individuals reinforced the cohesiveness of their group, often at the expense of neighborhood integration.^[8]

Initiation for individual Nango members required the assembly of the entire Nango community at Shume, where the rites, known as mshitu, could only be completed collectively. Although the Nango inhabited various regions within Shambaai, often intermingling with the Shambaa, they did not participate in local neighborhood rituals. Instead, they reaffirmed their unity through large gatherings at Shume.^[9]

In contrast, the Mbugu lived in more isolated areas, which minimized their disruptive influence on Shambaa society. However, they posed a potential external threat, as they gathered in Pare to perform their mshitu rites, thereby reuniting Mbugu from both Pare and Shambaai into a single ritual community. Four Mbugu lineages—Ombeji, Gonja, Nkanzu, and Ngarito—traveled to Suji, located on the western side of South Pare, for their initiation, while two additional lineages—Nkwangwana and Ombweni—participated in rituals at Vudee, just north of Suji.^[10]

This situation created two distinct points of tension: the Nango, who resisted integration into Shambaa locales, and the Mbugu, who were perceived as potential subversives. Mbegha entered a society where traditional norms regarding stateless political organization were being challenged, and which also felt threatened by external forces.^[11]

According to legend, the Mbugu lived in Usambara prior to 1650. The main body of the Mbugu could have followed, possibly not too long after, if the legend that Mbegha, the founder of the Kilindi dynasty in Usambara, had a Nango wife is true. Then Nango must have been established there by the seventeenth century. The following remarks concerning the "Mbugu" give some indications of a perplexed language situation: The "Mbugu" identify as va-ma'a and speak ki-ma'a. The clans that traveled to Usangi solely speak Kipare.^[1]

Despite having lived in Usambara for more than 200 years, some of the clans there solely speak Kipare. The 'Mbugu' claim that there are no more songs and folktales in their language; all of the proverbs, songs, and tales I gathered were in Chasu. The Wambugu have a distinctive tone when speaking Kipare. There are a few linked families in Magamba' that speak a language that no-one can decipher. The Sambaa distinguish between two Wambugu lineages that have entirely different origins. These are from "Umbugwe", also known as Wambugwe, and "Ukwavi-Upare", also known as Wambugu-Makei.^[1]