Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf

Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps

At the age of 19, Ghalibaf was one of the commanders of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) forces during the Iran–Iraq War. Shortly afterwards he was named commander of the 27th Muhammad Rasul Allah Division. At age 22, in 1983 he was commander of the 5th Nasr Division.

After the war he was selected as Deputy Commander of the IRGC Basij Resistance Force and Troops under General Alireza Afshar. Ghalibaf became one of the senior commanders of the IRGC in later years.^[14] He received the title of Major General in 1996, after he completed a master's degree in geopolitics.

Khatam al-Anbiya Construction Headquarters

From 1994 through 1997, he was head of the Khatam al-Anbiya Construction Headquarters, which is the engineering arm of the IRGC. Under his management, the headquarters launched a railway connecting Mashhad to Sarakhs.^{[citation needed]}

Revolutionary Guard Air Force

In 1997, when Yahya Rahim Safavi took over as the IRGC's new commander-in-chief, Ghalibaf was named Commander of the Aerospace Force of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. He held the position until 2000.

During his tenure as Commander, there was a clash between the IRGC Air Force and the Artesh-controlled Shiraz Air Base. Brigadier General Shahram Rostami explained that, contrary to explicit orders from the Supreme Commander, the IRGC Air Force attempted to seize part of the air base, which led to a military confrontation between the two forces and the death of an Artesh soldier from the air base. Following this incident, the Judiciary and the General Staff of the Armed Forces of the Islamic Republic of Iran interrogated Rostami, but did not question Ghalibaf, who avoided accountability.^[15]

Suppression of protests

During the 2013 presidential election debates, the issue of plainclothes officers confronting students during the 2003 Tehran unrest and the attack on the Tarasht dormitory was raised between Ghalibaf and Hassan Rouhani. Rouhani revealed Ghalibaf's intent to suppress the students, quoting him as saying: "Students should come so we can use gas to finish the job." Rouhani emphasized that a more transparent approach would be to either deny permission for protests or make the terms clear from the start.^[21][22]

Additionally, a 15 May 2013 report on the Kalameh website revealed an audio recording of Ghalibaf during a Supreme National Security Council meeting, where he threatened to allow law enforcement forces to enter universities and use force, stating: "I will 'crush' anyone who comes to the dormitory to do these things."^[23]

Arrest of intellectuals and journalists

In 2002 and 2004, the police summoned dozens of intellectuals, journalists, political activists, news website managers, and bloggers—including figures like Aydin Aghdashloo, Houshang Golmakani, Houshang Asadi, Masoumeh Seyhoun, Bahram Beizaei, Younes Shakarkhah, Kaveh Golestan, Naser Zarafshan, Noshabeh Amiri, Farhad Behbahani, Abbas Kosha, Hanif Mazrouei, Farid Modaresi, and Behrouz Gharibpour—to the precinct office for interrogation or temporary detention. Some, such as journalist and film critic Siamak Pourzand, were held for months. The police also provided Judge Mortazavi with a special detention center in Tehran’s Youth Square for the interrogation of the arrested individuals. Ahmad Masjed-Jamei, the Minister of Culture and Islamic Guidance, along with the Writers' Association of Iran, protested these arrests. A few weeks later, Ghalibaf publicly stated that these individuals had either acted against national security or were involved in promoting cultural vulgarity. He claimed that they had formed a widespread network to distribute obscene films, from which more than 13,000 illicit compact discs were seized.^[24][25][26]

In 2002, Ghalibaf commented on Siamak Pourzand’s arrest, stating, "Pourzand had engaged in a series of anti-cultural activities that fell outside the framework of the Islamic system. Through connections his ex-wife and daughter had with Reza Pahlavi, he had been supplying Reza Pahlavi with information from inside the country, which led to the matter being raised with Mr. Khatami, the head of the National Security Council."

During this period, the police force was portrayed by reformists as a key component of a parallel intelligence apparatus.^[27]

Moral Security Plan

In October 2002, Ghalibaf announced that he would present the moral security plan and stated: "The law enforcement force, together with the elites of other institutions, is responsible for defining and explaining moral security, and for enforcing its requirements against violators. The will and orders of the Supreme Leader reflect the will of the general public."^[28][29][30]

In 2004, he commented on moral security, saying: "At times, when discussing improper hijab, the political significance of the issue may outweigh its moral significance. What I want to emphasize is that we should raise our perspective and examine the issue more thoroughly. First and foremost, we need to draw a clear distinction between proper hijab and improper hijab based on the regulations, as this is a fundamental requirement for civic life."^[31]

Scandal over transfer of municipal properties

In September 2016, Shargh newspaper reported on the transfer of municipal properties to certain city managers at heavily discounted prices. Following this, the Memari News website published a letter from the Islamic Inspectorate Organization of the country, revealing the names and details of the discounts offered to dozens of individuals and several cooperatives by the municipality. As a result of this report, the editor of the Memari News website was imprisoned after being sued by Ghalibaf and Mehdi Chamran. The allegations published in the report highlighted the transfer and sale of properties and lands—intended for residential, commercial, administrative, and service use—that belonged to the public property of the Tehran Municipality. These properties, totaling more than 100,000 square meters, were sold to managers, deputies, council members, and several individuals at discounted prices, which was considered a violation. The report emphasized that applying 50% discounts on expert valuations, as well as unrealistic property assessments for individuals outside the municipality, led to a waste of public resources. The average price per square meter of these properties was estimated at two million Iranian tomans, resulting in a loss of over 2,200 billion tomans of public property from the Tehran Municipality.^[37][38]

Former Tehran mayor Mohammad-Ali Najafi announced the transfer of some lands in the Abbas Abad district of Tehran to a military institution, explaining that since the contract had already been signed, the transfer could not be legally blocked. He stated that more than 670 municipal properties had been transferred to individuals and institutions, often at their discretion. Najafi, who was summarizing the investigation report on the performance of his predecessor--Ghalibaf, said that he would report some confidential matters separately to the city council members. Ghalibaf had previously been accused by city council members of financial corruption during his tenure.^[39][40]

In the course of exposing certain violations during Ghalibaf's administration, journalist and Ghalibaf critic Yashar Soltani was imprisoned. Later, the Attorney General of Iran confirmed that 45 individuals had received properties from the municipality "outside the legal framework," though he said that there was no evidence of organized corruption.^[41][40]

Two thousand violations in the transfer

Mahmoud Mirlohi, a member of the Tehran City Council, emphasized in an interview with Etemad newspaper that the initial report on these properties referred to the illegal transfer of 674 properties. However, subsequent investigations revealed that the number had increased to more than 2,000 properties. The case regarding these astronomical properties remains open. According to Mirlohi, Pirouz Hanachi, the mayor of Tehran, was expected to soon address the behind-the-scenes details surrounding the transfer of 41 properties from the astronomical properties complex.^[42][43]

Mirlohi also stated that, in addition to former Tehran municipality officials, some former members of the city council were involved in the transfer of these astronomical properties. In the interview with Etemad, he further noted that the astronomical properties case has effectively "disappeared" within the judiciary.^[42][43]

Repossession of some properties from the IRGC

In an interview with Etemad newspaper, Mirlohi also reported that, over the past two weeks, a number of municipal properties that had been "unaccountably transferred to Rasa Tejarat" in connection with the astronomical property case have now been reclaimed. Rasa Tejarat Mobin, which is affiliated with the Revolutionary Guards Cooperative Foundation, has been linked in recent years to a financial case involving the Tehran Municipality. According to members of the Tehran City Council, this company owes the municipality a total of four trillion tomans under its contracts, yet has failed to repay the debt.^[42][43]

Financial irregularities in 2014

The report outlines several widespread violations by the Tehran Municipality in 2014, including: “The payment of 60 billion tomans in aid and the granting of land measuring 70,000, 7,000, and 3,000 square meters to the Imam Reza Charity, owned by Ghalibaf’s wife,” “47 secret bank accounts,” “the judiciary’s debt of 229.7 billion tomans to the municipality and its failure to repay it,” “the municipality’s demand of 497 billion tomans from the Revolutionary Guards Cooperative Foundation,” and “the purchase and sale of a metro station.”^[44]

Accused of concluding fictitious contract for use in election advertising

On 15 January 2017, Mohammad Ali Najafi stated: "Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, the former mayor of Tehran and a candidate in the 12th presidential election, signed two contracts worth a total of 1.43 billion tomans ($366,000, based on the dollar exchange rate of 3,900 tomans in 2017). Upon further investigation, we found that while this amount was indeed deposited into the account of the aforementioned company, only 173 million tomans were given to the company. The rest of the funds were deposited into another account belonging to the head of the office of one of the former deputy mayors, and this money was later used for election purposes. Meanwhile, the individual listed on the account at the company affiliated with the police admitted in writing that out of the 173 million tomans, only 20 million belonged to him, while the rest was distributed among others.^[45][46][47]

Paying bribe of 65 billion tomans to prevent investigation

On 16 March 2016, some members of parliament initiated a plan to investigate the Tehran Municipality, but they ultimately failed to secure the necessary votes. Ghalibaf then thanked the parliamentarians for rejecting the investigation.^[48][49]

On 20 July 2020, Mostafa Mir-Salim, a member of parliament from Tehran, revealed that an investigation was planned in 2016 to examine the performance of the Tehran Municipality during Ghalibaf’s tenure as mayor. However, the investigation was halted due to a vote of opposition from parliament members. Mirsalim claimed that a bribe of 65 billion tomans was used to stop the investigation. Before this, Mirsalim had stated that the bribe had been paid to the head of a parliamentary commission. He had submitted documents related to the 65 billion tomans bribe to the judiciary.^[50][51][52]

Issa Sharifi case

Throughout Ghalibaf's 12-year tenure as mayor, Issa Sharifi was one of his closest associates, serving as his deputy mayor for 10 years.^[53] He also stepped in as acting mayor of Tehran twice when Ghalibaf ran for president.^[53] After the composition of the Tehran City Council changed and corruption allegations started to surface regarding the Tehran Municipality, Sharifi left the country. He was arrested upon his return in connection with a case involving "serious financial corruption" during his time as mayor.^[54][55][56]

Plasco Building fire

On the morning of Friday, 20 January 2017, a massive fire broke out at the Plasco Building, located at Istanbul Crossroads in central Tehran, which ultimately led to its complete collapse. The fire spread quickly, and firefighters attempted to contain it, but 20 of them lost their lives in the process. Following the incident, the Tehran Municipality, under Ghalibaf's leadership, faced accusations of negligence. Among the widespread criticisms were claims of "inability to manage the crisis," "failure to allocate sufficient budget to the fire department," "issuing only one warning to the Plasco building," and "focusing on removing superficial debris rather than searching for survivors." In response to this, Tehran City Councilman Mohsen Sorkhou described the city's crisis management as "zero."^[57][58]

On 13 February, Ghalibaf presented a report on the incident during an open session of the Parliament of Iran, defending the municipality's actions. He stated: "The fire brigade arrived at the Plasco building in less than two and a half minutes after the fire was reported. We had no equipment issues, and the facilities were adequate." However, his statement was interrupted by Gholam Ali Jafarzadeh, a representative from Rasht, who accused Ghalibaf of lying about the fire brigade's response time.

Interior Minister Abdolreza Rahmani Fazli also provided a different account after the Plasco disaster, stating: "The fire brigade arrived five minutes after the fire started, left due to a lack of equipment, and returned 15 minutes later." In the days following the incident, numerous reports from eyewitnesses, fire officers, and experts highlighted deficiencies and equipment failures, revealing the inaccuracies in Ghalibaf's statements.^[57][59]

Ghalibaf's meeting on 7 February at the Tehran City Council to review the Plasco incident was met with strong criticism from council members. During the meeting, he apologized to the public for his "inefficiency in crisis management" and emphasized that it was the responsibility of the judiciary to judge and adjudicate the Plasco incident.^[57]

Management record

The BBC News Agency, in a summary report of Ghalibaf's management period, highlighted the following issues:^[60]

• Withdrew 1.25 billion tomans for the elections through the signing of two contracts.^[61]
• Invested the assets of the municipal employees' reserve fund in a corrupt project.
• Increased land subsidence caused by excessive extraction of water from Tehran’s wells.
• The municipality's debt of approximately 50 trillion tomans, which was three times the then-current budget.^[62]
• Hired 13,000 people ahead of the presidential elections.^[60][62]

2026 Iran war

Following the outbreak of war between Israel, the United States and Iran on 28 February 2026, Ghalibaf emerged as one of the most powerful figures in Iran's wartime leadership structure. Ghalibaf was regarded as the de facto co-leader of Iran along with IRGC Brigadier General Ali Larijani, who had headed the Supreme National Security Council since August 2025.^[66] Reportedly the IRGC supported Larijani's and Ghalibaf's de facto co-leadership. Larijani was killed two weeks after the war began.^[67][68]

After the killing of Ali Larijani on 17 March 2026, Ghalibaf quietly assumed responsibility for strategic decision making, according to three senior Iranian officials. Iran's government during this period has been described as operating through a diffuse committee structure rather than a clear chain of command, with Ghalibaf handling strategic matters, IRGC commander-in-chief Brigadier General Ahmad Vahidi leading the tactical war effort, and President Masoud Pezeshkian managing day-to-day state functions. Analysts have described the Islamic Republic as operating as a "networked survival machine" with authority spread across overlapping institutions in response to sustained Israeli targeting of Iran's senior leadership.^[69] Shortly after taking his position as the head of the Supreme National Security Council, Ghalibaf threatened the US that Iran would target US troops stationed in the region.^[70] According to an insider, Ghalibaf acts only with approval from Iran's supreme leader Mojtaba Khamenei.^[71]

On 29 March 2026, Ghalibaf rejected the ongoing negotiations with the United States, saying that Iran could not be forced into submission.^[72] On 5 April, he called US President Donald Trump's threats to strike Iranian infrastructure 'reckless.'^[73] On 8 April, he said that the two-week 2026 Iran war ceasefire had been violated, and argued that "a bilateral ceasefire or negotiations is unreasonable."^[74] On 9 April, he said that "time is running out" for the ceasefire to be viable.^[75] On 11 April he led the Iranian delegation in ceasefire talks with a U.S. delegation led by U.S. Vice President J.D. Vance, hosted by Pakistan in Islamabad.^[76] On 21 April, the Institute for the Study of War reported a major disagreement between Ghalibaf and IRGC commander-in-chief Ahmad Vahidi, with Ghalibaf favoring participating in negotiations with the US and Vahidi opposing participation.^[77]

Allegations of corruption

Involvement in violent crackdowns on protesters

Ghalibaf has a long-documented history of involvement in the violent suppression of civil unrest in Iran, spanning his tenures in the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), the National Police (NAJA), and as Speaker of the Parliament.^[90]

2025–26 Iranian anti-regime protests

Ghalibaf, as Speaker of the Islamic Consultative Assembly of Iran, was a prominent government figure in the state response to the 2025–2026 Iranian protests, which human rights groups and international media organisations described as a brutal crackdown and massacre of demonstrators, resulting in over 12,000 deaths. The killing was carried out on the direct order of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, with the explicit knowledge and approval of the heads of all three branches of government, and with an order for live fire issued by the Supreme National Security Council, of which Ghalibaf was a member.^[93]

Reports by human-rights advocates note that Iranian authorities deployed lethal force, imposed nationwide internet shutdowns, and arrested tens of thousands of protesters after demonstrations began in late December 2025 and escalated in early 2026, with estimates of civilian deaths ranging widely and described by some commentators as massacres under cover of communication blackouts. Critics and international observers highlighted the role of state institutions in planning and executing the security response. Ghalibaf publicly characterised the government's measures as a "war against terrorists" and defended the actions of security forces, framing the unrest as violent and foreign-influenced, a position that aligned him with hard-line elements of the response. Ghalibaf rejected external criticism and denied systematic abuses, while international bodies called for independent investigations into the security actions taken during the protests.^{[citation needed]} Ghalibaf portrayed protestors as enemies "engaged in terrorist warfare."^[94] He said the enemies of Iran use "ISIS style techniques".^[95] Ghalibaf called protestors "seditionists" and said their acts were terrorism.^[96]

2005 presidential election

Ghalibaf was a candidate in the Iranian presidential election of 2005,^[100] and was being considered to be supported by some factions of the conservative alliance because of his popularity with both wings. However, in the final days before the election, the major support went to Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. Ghalibaf came fourth in the election.^[100] He made a populist appeal during the campaigns.^[101]

On 13 October 2008, he announced his support for dialogue with the United States as suggested by then-presidential candidate Barack Obama. According to Ghalibaf, "the world community, the Iranian society and the US society would benefit" from such talks.^[102]

2013 presidential election

Ghalibaf did not run for presidency in the elections in 2009.^[100]

His adviser announced that he would take part in the presidential elections in June 2013 and he officially announced this on 16 July 2012.^[100] After registering for the 2013 presidential election, Ghalibaf made controversial remarks about the 8 July 1999 Iranian student protests. He claimed that he had been riding a 1,000-kilometer motorcycle and using sticks to beat protesters on the streets. In his speech during the announcement of his candidacy, he said: “That's two things I still stand on and would seriously consider, first: the Constitution and second: respect the prisoners and detainees."

He set Love and Sacrifice and Jihadi Change as his official slogans. His candidacy was approved by the Guardian Council on 21 May 2013 along with seven other candidates. He was one of the opponents of Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani's candidacy and said it was better that Rafsanjani not enter the race, as he had served two terms before. He and two other candidates, Ali Akbar Velayati and Gholam-Ali Haddad-Adel, formed a coalition called "2+1". He was endorsed by former candidates, Alireza Ali Ahmadi and Sadeq Vaeez Zadeh. Ali Larijani, the former chairman of parliament later assassinated in the 2026 Iran War, also supported Ghalibaf in the election.

According to the Guardian in 2013, his moderating streak as Tehran's mayor was evident throughout Ghalibaf's political efforts.^[103] Ghalibaf received 6,077,292 votes (16.55%), putting him in second place behind winner Hassan Rouhani, who was elected as the new president.^[104] Hours after the announcement of the results, Ghalibaf published a statement congratulating Rouhani on his election as President of Iran and conceding.

2017 presidential election

Ghalibaf began his third presidential campaign for the Iranian presidency on 15 April 2017. On 15 May 2017, Ghalibaf withdrew.

2024 presidential election

Ghalibaf's candidacy for the 2024 Iranian presidential election was approved by the guardian council in June 2024.^[105]

Senior IRGC commanders, including Major General Mohsen Rezaee, Rear Admiral Ali Shamkhani (later killed during the 2026 Iran War), and Brigadier General Hossein Dehghan supported Ghalibaf's presidential bid.^[106]

Soleimani friendship

Ghalibaf, who commanded the 5th Nasr Division and then the 25th Karbala Special Division of the IRGC in the Iran–Iraq War, developed a long friendship with the then up-and-coming commander of the 41st Tharallah Division, General Qasem Soleimani. In the words of Arash Azizi:

During the war years, the commanders who had distinguished themselves most, had a regional base and a talent for organizing the men of their provinces for the national war effort. Three such men became close comrades and helped build a web of influence that strengthened their respective positions: Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf, Ahmad Kazemi, and Qassem Soleimani. When the war ended, they were respectively 27, 29, and 32 years old. They had respectively led IRGC divisions in Khorasan, Isfahan, and Kerman provinces, three of the biggest territorial units in the country which together accounted for much of the country's population.^[111]

In the 2013 Iranian presidential election Soleimani reportedly voted for Ghalibaf, who represented IRGC veterans' interests, against moderate candidate Hassan Rouhani, who eventually won.^[111]\