National Political Committee (DSA)
Democratic Socialists of America leadership
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The National Political Committee (NPC) is the governing body of the Democratic Socialists of America. The Committee is elected every two years by DSA delegates at the DSA convention.[1] The Committee is made up of 27 members, of which 14 of the committee slots are reserved for members who are not men, and 8 are reserved for people of color.[2][3][4] The co-chairs of the Young Democratic Socialists of America serve as NPC members, and are elected at YDSA convention held annually, which can result in shifts in political makeup of the NPC in the middle of their two year term.[5]
- Groundwork (5)
- Socialist Majority Caucus (4)
- Springs of Revolution (4)
- Bread & Roses (3)
- Red Star (3)
- Marxist Unity Group (3)
- Reform & Revolution (2)
- Carnation (1)
- Libertarian Socialist Caucus (1)
- Uncaucused (Sara Almosawi) (1)
National Political Committee | |
|---|---|
| History | |
| Founded | March 20, 1982[citation needed] |
| Structure | |
| Seats | 27 |
Political groups |
|
Length of term | 2 years, excluding the YDSA co-chairs which have a term of 1 year |
| Elections | |
Last election | August 8–10, 2025 |
Next election | 2027 |
| Constitution | |
| www | |
The Committee also elects its own Steering Committee, consisting of the hired Directors, the National Secretary, the National Treasurer, and 6 members elected at-large by the National Political Committee.[4]
History
At the 2023 DSA National Convention, elections for the National Political Committee resulted in what observers called a "leftward shift" in leadership.[6] A coalition of caucuses on the organization's revolutionary left, including Red Star, Marxist Unity Group, and Bread and Roses, won a majority of seats, displacing the previous governing coalition led by the more moderate Socialist Majority and Groundwork caucuses.[7][6] The new NPC has been described as having matured into a "multi-caucus parliament", where building majority blocs requires negotiation and persuasion among the different tendencies.[8] The 2025 convention saw a similar result, with the revolutionary left retaining its majority.[9][10][11][12]
In 2024 the NPC voted to not endorse AOC. The committee was divided over concerns about the strength of her support for the Palestinian cause and for ending the war in Gaza. This was despite a continued endorsement from the NYC-DSA. The Committee wanted her to oppose funding for Israel's Iron Dome and support the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement.[13] [14]
On July 12, 2026 the Committee voted on an amendment that would remove a provision instructing the Committee to field a non-binding poll to all DSA members asking who the Committee should endorse for the 2028 presidential election.[15] The amendment passed 14-13, hinging on the vote of the Bread & Roses caucus.[16]
Caucuses
Within the organizational context of the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA), "left" and "right" do not refer to the conventional ideological spectrum, but are informal terms used to describe internal strategic divisions. Specifically:[17][18][better source needed][9]
- The "DSA Left" advocates that the DSA should gradually build a political organizational form independent of the two-party establishment, with the long-term goal of eventually developing into an independent socialist party possessing its own platform and capable of independently nominating candidates. The "Left" tends to favor reducing reliance on the Democratic Party, arguing that prolonged use of this electoral channel blurs the DSA's political identity and makes it difficult for voters to distinguish its candidates from mainstream Democrats. Compared to the "Right," the "DSA Left" places greater emphasis on organizational discipline, holding that elected officials endorsed by the DSA should be accountable for the organization's established policies and that corresponding accountability mechanisms should be established; the "DSA Left" advocates a "rank-and-file strategy" of going deep into the grassroots and organizing ordinary workers, and is critical of the existing trade-union bureaucracy. On the question of ultimately breaking with the Democratic Party, the mainstream "DSA Left" favors a "dirty break," that is, strategically using the Democratic Party ballot line in the short term, with the ultimate goal of gradually building the organizational foundation and resources necessary to sustain a truly independent socialist party and eventually breaking away from the Democratic Party[19]. A more radical minority faction (the "clean break" faction) argues that the DSA should immediately break from the Democratic Party and instead run candidates exclusively as independents or third-party candidates.[citation needed]
- The "DSA Right" argues that the DSA should work to broaden its mass base[20] by building a broad front with labor unions, community organizations, and other non-socialist progressive forces, while, based on real political conditions, continuing to run candidates as "unabashed democratic socialists" in order to secure concrete reform victories. The "DSA Right" contends that, given the structural disadvantages facing third-party candidates in the U.S. electoral system (such as the two-party tradition, stringent state ballot access rules, and the spoiler effect) pragmatically utilizing the Democratic Party ballot line at the current stage is an effective means of getting DSA candidates elected and, in turn, using elected office to advance political change. Compared to the "Left," the "DSA Right" places greater emphasis on accumulating practical influence through established political institutional channels such as legislative processes and party primaries, and tends to measure organizational success in terms of electoral victories and policy achievements. Critics (such as the "left-wing" caucuses Reform & Revolution and the Libertarian Socialist Caucus) argue that the "DSA Right," in practice, comes closer to indefinitely using the Democratic Party ballot line to participate in elections, rather than the "dirty break" strategy conceived as a phased approach culminating in a clear separation.[21][18][better source needed] The "DSA Right" objects to being labeled as part of the organization's right flank.[9]
| Caucus | Ideology and Orientation | Relative Position |
Seats | Website |
|---|---|---|---|---|
Groundwork |
Ecosocialism[9][19] | Right[9][23] | 5 / 27 |
[29] |
Socialist Majority Caucus |
Mass politics[9] | Right[9][23] | 4 / 27 |
[32] |
Springs of Revolution |
Militant anti-Zionism[19][33] | Left[23][34] | 4 / 27 |
[35] |
Bread & Roses |
Rank-and-file labor strategy[9][19] Structural-reformism[19][36] Dirty break[19][37] |
Center[9][23] | 3 / 27 |
[38] |
Marxist Unity Group |
Orthodox Marxism[9][19] Democratic centralism[39][40] |
Left[23][41] | 3 / 27 |
[42] |
Red Star |
Marxism–Leninism[43] | Left[23][41] | 3 / 27 |
[44] |
Reform & Revolution |
Trotskyism[19][45][46] United front[45] Third-campism[47] |
Center-left[23] | 2 / 27 |
[48] |
| Carnation | Rank-and-file labor strategy[49] | Center-right[23] | 1 / 27 |
[50] |
Libertarian Socialist Caucus |
Libertarian socialism[51] Anti-statism[51] |
Left[23][41] | 1 / 27 |
[52] |
Current members
| Name | Type | Caucus |
|---|---|---|
| Ashik Siddique | National Co-Chair | Groundwork[54] |
| Megan Romer | National Co-Chair | Red Star[22] |
| Abdullah Farooq | At-large | Carnation[22] |
| Ahmed Husain | At-large | Springs of Revolution[55] |
| Amy Wilhelm | At-large | Marxist Unity Group[56] |
| Andrew Thompson | At-large (SC) | Springs of Revolution[55] |
| Cara Tobe | At-large | Groundwork[54] |
| Cerena Ermitanio | At-large | Bread & Roses[57] |
| Christian Araos | At-large | Socialist Majority[58] |
| Clayton Ryles | At-large | Socialist Majority[58] |
| Cliff Connolly | At-large (SC) | Marxist Unity Group[56] |
| David Jenkins | At-large (Secretary) | Libertarian Socialist Caucus[59] |
| Eleanor Babaev | At-large | Groundwork[54] |
| Ella Teevan | At-large (SC) | Bread & Roses[57] |
| Frances Gill | At-large | Groundwork[54] |
| Francesca Maria | At-large | Springs of Revolution[55] |
| Hayley Banyai-Becker | At-large | Bread & Roses[57] |
| Hazel Williams | At-large | Red Star[22] |
| Jeremy Cohan | At-large | Socialist Majority[58] |
| John Lewis | At-large (Treasurer) | Red Star[22] |
| Kareem Elrefai | At-large | Groundwork[54] |
| Katie Sims | At-large (SC) | Socialist Majority[58] |
| Luisa Martínez | At-large | Springs of Revolution[55] |
| Sarah Milner | At-large | Reform & Revolution[60] |
| Sidney Carlson White | At-large | Marxist Unity Group[56] |
| Daniel Salup-Cid | YDSA Co-Chair (SC) | Reform & Revolution[22] |
| Sara Almosawi | YDSA Co-Chair | Uncaucused[22] |
Historical composition
The table below shows caucused members of the National Political Committee (NPC) from 2013 to 2025:
| Caucus | 2013 | 2015 | 2017 | 2019 | 2021 | 2023 | 2025 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Independent | 17 / 17 |
10 / 17 |
2 / 17 |
0 / 17 |
2 / 17 |
0.5 / 17 |
1 / 27 |
| Libertarian Socialist Caucus[a] | 1 / 17 |
2 / 17 |
1 / 17 |
0 / 17 |
1 / 27 | ||
| Red Star | 1 / 17 |
1 / 17 |
3 / 17 |
3 / 27 | |||
| Springs of Revolution[b] | 2 / 17 |
4 / 27 | |||||
| Marxist Unity Group | 2 / 17 |
3 / 27 | |||||
| Constellation | 0 / 17 |
0 / 17 |
0.5 / 17 |
0 / 27 | |||
| Reform & Revolution | 0 / 17 |
0 / 17 |
0 / 17 |
2 / 27 | |||
| Collective Power Network | 1 / 17 |
||||||
| Build[c] | 5 / 17 |
2 / 17 |
|||||
| Renewal | 1 / 17 |
1 / 17 |
|||||
| Bread & Roses[d] | 4 / 17 |
6 / 17 |
5 / 17 |
3 / 17 |
3 / 17 |
3 / 27 | |
| Carnation | 1 / 27 | ||||||
| Groundwork[e] | 3 / 17 |
4 / 17 |
5 / 27 | ||||
| Socialist Majority Caucus | 4 / 17 |
3 / 17 |
2 / 17 |
4 / 27 | |||
| North Star[f] | 3 / 17 |
4 / 17 |
0 / 17 |
0 / 17 |
0 / 17 |
0 / 27 | |
| References | [70][71] | [73][74][75] | [24] |
^ Y: Co-Chairs of the Young Democratic Socialists (of America), whose receive seats ex officio worth 0.5 votes for 2015-2023 and 1 vote for 2025.
^ co: Co-Chairs of the Democratic Socialists (of America), who receive seats ex officio worth 1 vote.