Hungary under Viktor Orbán

Orbán first served as Prime Minister of Hungary between 1998 and 2002, and returned to office in 2010 after a landslide victory by his party, Fidesz, which, formally in coalition with the Christian Democratic People's Party (KDNP), secured a supermajority in the National Assembly.^[19] This supermajority allowed Orbán's government to amend or replace key laws, restructure institutions, and redefine Hungary's political and economic framework. In July 2014, Orbán declared that Hungary was building an "illiberal state", inspired by countries such as Turkey and Russia, arguing that liberal democracy had failed to protect national sovereignty and Christian identity.^[7][8]

The Orbán regime defined itself as an "illiberal state",^[7][8] espousing Christian nationalism,^[20][21][22] and rejecting liberalism in general and liberal democracy in particular, while Orbán's personal ideology and ideas are called Orbánism. Scholars commonly refer to it as competitive authoritarianism or electoral autocracy, where democratic institutions formally exist but are subverted to maintain power.^[23] The regime emphasised:

• National identity and cultural homogeneity through Hungarian nationalism;
• Pro-natalist and family-centric social policy over immigration-based demographics;
• State sovereignty against supranational bodies, such as the European Union, as a result of its Euroscepticism;
• Populist narratives contrasting the "people" with liberal elites and external actors such as George Soros.^[24]

Following the 2010 election, Fidesz adopted a new constitution, which entered into force on 1 January 2012.^[25] The reform restructured Hungary's state institutions:

• Constitutional Court: its powers were limited, and appointment processes aligned with the ruling majority.^[26]
• Electoral system: parliamentary seats reduced from 386 to 199 and districts redrawn, allegedly benefiting Fidesz.^[27]
• Media regulation: new bodies (National Media and Infocommunications Authority, Media Council) created under Fidesz control.
• Judiciary: court administration centralised and executive influence expanded.^[28]

The European Parliament and international watchdogs have stated that these changes weakened checks and balances and concentrated power in the executive.^[29] A 2020 constitutional amendment defined the family as the union of a father who is a man and a mother who is a woman.^[30][31][32] A 2025 constitutional amendment, the 15th adopted, declares that all Hungarians are either male or female, allows the government to strip dual nationals of their Hungarian citizenship if they are declared dangerous to the nation and enshrines the right to use cash.^[33][34]

Hungary's media landscape has become increasingly concentrated. Pro-government businessmen acquired most private outlets, later merging into the Central European Press and Media Foundation (KESMA) in 2018.^[35] Independent outlets and NGOs report censorship, advertising boycotts, and political pressure.^[36] The government also passed a "Transparency Law" in 2017 requiring foreign-funded NGOs to register as "foreign-supported," drawing comparisons to Russian foreign agent law. The Central European University relocated from Budapest to Vienna in 2019 after legal restrictions made its operation in Hungary impossible.^[37]

The Orbán government promotes an economic strategy known as Orbanomics, combining selective state intervention, tax cuts, and nationalist rhetoric. The Orbán government tried to negotiate an exemption from the strict European Union regulation setting a 3% limit on budget deficit. Since the request was declined, Hungary turned to taxation policies regarded as unorthodox by the international community to cover the deficit.^[38][39] The key measures include a flat income tax and nationalisation of private pension funds, price controls on utilities and state oversight of key industries, extensive family policy, such as tax exemptions and loans to encourage childbirth and the controversial "slave law" of 2018, allowing up to 400 hours of annual overtime.^[40] Supporters credit these policies for low unemployment and relative stability; critics argue they entrench clientelism and reward political loyalty.^[41]

Hungary remains a member of the European Union and NATO, but Orbán has pursued a sovereigntist and Eurosceptic foreign policy.^[52] His government frequently clashes with the EU over judicial independence, migration, and LGBTQ+ rights. Budapest's relations with Brussels have been strained by the suspension of billions in EU funds under the rule-of-law conditionality mechanism.^[53] At the same time, Orbán has deepened economic ties with China and Russia, including Chinese investment in battery and electric vehicle plants and the Budapest–Belgrade railway.^[54] During the Russian invasion of Ukraine, Hungary condemned the attack but opposed energy sanctions and arms transfers, citing national interests.^[55]

In April 2025, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu visited Budapest, despite the ICC's arrest warrant for Netanyahu for alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity in the Gaza Strip.^[56] During the visit, the Hungarian government of Orbán announced that Hungary would withdraw from the International Criminal Court (ICC), describing it as "politically biased".^[57][58]

International organisations, including Freedom House, Reporters Without Borders, and the European Parliament, have cited Hungary for democratic backsliding and media capture.^[60][61] Supporters argue that Orbán's policies reflect democratic will, uphold Christian values, and restore order after decades of liberal mismanagement.^[62]

Critics of the Orbán regime argue that Hungary has experienced a systemic decline in democratic standards and institutional integrity since 2010. Independent observers and international watchdogs have documented the erosion of judicial independence, as court appointments and administrative oversight increasingly fall under political control, limiting checks on executive authority. The government's capture of media and business sectors has also drawn concern, with a vast network of pro-government outlets and loyal business elites dominating public discourse and the economy. Furthermore, analysts note manipulation of electoral rules and campaign resources, including redistricting and the use of state media for partisan advantage, which have contributed to the entrenchment of Fidesz's political dominance. Widespread allegations of corruption and nepotism point to the concentration of public contracts and European Union funds among allies of the ruling party, reinforcing what Transparency International and the European Parliament describe as "state capture". In addition, the Orbán government has been accused of restricting academic freedom and minority rights, including legislative measures targeting universities, NGOs, and the LGBTQ+ community, which critics view as undermining pluralism and human rights protections in Hungary.^[63]

The Orbán regime has influenced right-wing populist movements across Europe and the United States, often cited as a prototype of "illiberal democracy".^[64] Orbán continuously remained in power for 16 years through four consecutive supermajority victories (2010, 2014, 2018, and 2022) until his defeat in the 2026 Hungarian parliamentary election to Péter Magyar. Despite economic challenges and tensions with the EU, his control over Hungary's institutions and political narrative were strong.^[65]

• Media in Hungary
• Orbanism
• Politics of Hungary