Presidency of Luis Herrera Campins
President of Venezuela from 1979 to 1984
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The Presidency of Luis Herrera Campins or the Campins Presidency or the Campins Administration was Luis Herrera Campins's tenure as the President of Venezuela, which lasted from 12 March 1979 to 2 February 1984. Prior to his election, he had founded the moderately conservative Christian COPEI party. He was succeeded by Jaime Lusinchi.
Luis Herrera Campins c. 1981 | |
| Presidency of Luis Herrera Campins March 12, 1979 – February 2, 1984 | |
| Cabinet | See list |
|---|---|
| Party | Copei |
| Election | |
| Seat | Miraflores Palace |
Background
In the Republic of Venezuela, presidents and Congress were elected in the same election for five-year terms. At the 1978 election, AD fielded the unexciting Luis Piñerúa Ordaz and the COPEI selected Luis Herrera Campins.
Some observers believed that Venezuelans were ready to elect a leader who opposed the lavish expenditures of predecessor Carlos Andrés Pérez. Herrera Campins ran on the slogan "¡Basta!" ("Enough!") in reference to the spending levels at the time.[1] The adecos were in a no-win situation disillusioned as they were with Pérez and unexcited by Piñerua, and Herrera defeated his Adeco adversary by a vote of 1,133,059 to 1,053,137.[1] Venezuela had demonstrated once again that at the ballot level it was a working democracy.
Herrera's cabinet (1979–1984)
| Ministries [2] | ||
|---|---|---|
| OFFICE | NAME | TERM |
| President | Luis Herrera Campins | 1979–1984 |
| Home Affairs | Rafael Montes de Oca | 1979–1982 |
| Luciano Valero | 1982–1984 | |
| External Affairs | José Alberto Zambrano Velasco | 1979–1984 |
| Finance | Luis Ugueto | 1979–1982 |
| Arturo Sosa | 1982–1984 | |
| Defense | Fernando Paredes Bello | 1979 |
| Luis Rangel Burgoing | 1979–1980 | |
| Tomás Abreu Rescaniere | 1980–1981 | |
| Bernardo Leal Puchi | 1981–1982 | |
| Vicente Narváez Churión | 1982–1983 | |
| Humberto Alcalde Álvarez | 1983–1984 | |
| Development | Manuel Quijada | 1979–1981 |
| José Enrique Porras Omaña | 1981–1984 | |
| Transport and Communications | Vinicio Carrera | 1979–1983 |
| Francisco Lara García | 1983–1984 | |
| Education | Rafael Fernández Heres | 1979–1982 |
| Felipe Montilla | 1982–1984 | |
| Justice | José Guillermo Andueza | 1979–1981 |
| J. Reinaldo Chalbaud Zerpa | 1981–1984 | |
| Mines and Oil | Humberto Calderón Berti | 1979–1983 |
| José Ignacio Moreno León | 1983–1984 | |
| Environment | Vinicio Carrera | 1979–1983 |
| Francisco Lara García | 1983–1984 | |
| Agriculture | Luciano Valero | 1979–1981 |
| José Luis Zapata Escalona | 1981–1982 | |
| Nidia Villegas | 1982–1984 | |
| Labor | Reinaldo Rodríguez Navarro | 1979–1981 |
| Rangel Quintero Castañeda | 1981–1984 | |
| Health and Social Services | Alfonso Benzecri | 1979–1981 |
| Luis González Herrera | 1981–1984 | |
| Urban Development | Orlando Orozco | 1979–1982 |
| María Cristina Maldonado | 1982–1984 | |
| Information and Tourism | José Luis Zapata Escalona | 1979–1981 |
| Enrique Pérez Olivares | 1981–1982 | |
| Guido Díaz Peña | 1982–1984 | |
| Youth | Charles Brewer Carías | 1979–1982 |
| Guillermo Yépez Boscán | 1982–1984 | |
| Secretary to the Presidency | Ramón Guillermo Aveledo | 1979–1984 |
| Office of Planning and Coordination | Ricardo Martínez | 1979–1982 |
| Maritza Izaguirre | 1982–1984 | |
Domestic policy
Overview
At the start of Herrera Campins' term, Venezuela's economy was succeeding due to high oil revenues. However, it also faced extremely high foreign debt due to the effects of spending by the previous President, Carlos Andrés Pérez. During his campaign he pledged to reduce expenditures. He promised to other Latin American countries to supply them with oil. When oil prices fell in 1983, an economic depression began.[3]
Few presidents had practiced winner-takes-all as Herrera Campins did. Even full-blooded Social Christians who had worked for the Pérez administration were fired. But Herrera did have in his cabinet a few figures that were not copeyanos, among them Manuel Quijada, the former anti-democracy conspirator. (Later, Quijada was one of the political advisors of Chavez before the former paratrooper won the presidency.[citation needed]) He named the economist Leopoldo Díaz Bruzual to the Venezuelan Central Bank. Díaz Bruzual was a protégé of and advisor to Reinaldo Cervini, a very rich man who had life-time tenure at Pro-Venezuela, a kind of semi-official institute founded to promote Venezuelan industrialization. Cervini doubled as Maecenas to communist intellectuals, who would physically confront anyone who dared criticize their patron. Herrera Campins toned down the showiness of his predecessor, even though his government had another windfall when oil prices rose dramatically again in 1983. Venezuela had increased its indebtedness beyond the levels attained by the Pérez government. There was much talk at the time of "bipolarity", the belief that Venezuela was stuck forever in the cycle of AD-COPEI ruling alternatively but following the same policies of high-spending, high-bureaucracy, and a statized economy.
When dollars flooded Venezuela again, economists began talking of "overheating", although it wasn't clear whether they knew what they were talking about[citation needed]. It was pseudo-technical jargon, but Díaz Bruzual was among the adherents to this idea, if not actually the economist who got the "overheated" ball rolling. In the USA, president Jimmy Carter was fighting inflationary pressures and interests rates there, and in the industrialized nations generally, went up to unheard of levels. In Venezuela, a Canadian bank was offering interests as high as 21%. But because of the overheating thesis, Díaz Bruzual applied an old law whereby interest payments above 12% were considered usurious and illegal. Dollars started flowing out of Venezuela in the billions, and the central bank, which had always been zealous about national reserves, took fright at their growing depletion, but instead of counter-acting with incentives to reverse the outward flow, the bolívar was officially devalued by over 50% on its previous 4.30 to the dollar. The government, in brief, was not going to subsidize the bolivar at its previous rate. But the measure encouraged a further massive flight of dollars, and the government then clamped full currency control.
Legislative policy


In 1982, a reform of the Civil Code of Venezuela was promoted.[4]
Judicial policy
The government made efforts to achieve the pacification of guerrilla groups. In April 1979, President Herrera decided to suspend the proceedings against 20 detainees who were being tried for rebellion.[5] Months later, the charges against Douglas Bravo, Carlos Betancourt, Fortunato Herrera, and other leaders were dropped.[5]
Defense policy
In 1982, a military operation was carried out against a group of guerrillas from the "Américo Silva" Guerrilla Front of the Red Flag party near the city of Cantaura in Anzoátegui. The guerrilla camp was bombed, leaving 23 guerrillas dead in an event known as the Cantaura massacre.[6]
Infrastructure policy

Among the works of his government were the inauguration of the Teresa Carreño Theater,[7][8] the Parque Central Complex,[8] the Estadio Brígido Iriarte, the Monument to the Virgin of Peace, and the Minor Basilica National Shrine of Our Lady of Coromoto. In February 1983, the Amazonian Center for Research and Control of Tropical Diseases Simón Bolívar (CAICET) was created.[9]
In 1979 he approved the execution of the "National Railway Plan",[10] which consisted of a direct railway line between Maracaibo and Ciudad Guayana, passing through Valencia, Caracas (Cúa), Barcelona, and Ciudad Bolívar. During his administration, the only section of this plan that has been completed began construction: the Caracas–Cúa line.
During his presidential term, important infrastructure works were completed, for example: the Parque Central Complex, the Teresa Carreño Theater, the first phase of Line 1 of the Caracas Metro, the Estadio Brígido Iriarte, the Naciones Unidas Park where the IX Pan American Games of 1983 were inaugurated in Caracas, the beginning of the Eastern Highway, the promotion of agriculture, the Monument to the Virgin of Peace, and the National Shrine of Our Lady of Coromoto, among others.[11]
Educational policy
He created the Ministry of State for the Development of Intelligence, headed by Luis Alberto Machado.[12]
Media policy
He suppressed all audiovisual advertising on radio and television aimed at promoting the consumption of cigarettes and alcoholic beverages, a measure that in the long term reduced the incidence of smoking—and partly alcoholism—among the Venezuelan population (especially low-income sectors).[13][14]
Alimentation policy
He authorized the distribution of Lactovisoy, a complementary nutritional formula for children, especially school-age children, containing soy protein, milk, precooked rice flour, vitamins, and minerals. The formula was created by Werner Jaffe. It is cheaper than milk and contains ingredients not found in it. Registered by the National Institute of Nutrition, it is easy to transport and package because it is a powdered product.[15]
Communications policy
The government of Luis Herrera Campíns authorized color television in the country and, on 1 January 1981, prohibited and suppressed all audiovisual advertisements on radio and television intended to promote the consumption of cigarettes and alcoholic beverages. The country's largest media outlets boycotted President Campins because of this latter measure.[16]
Human rights
On 29 June 1979, American businessman Willian Niehous, who had been kidnapped by guerrillas three years earlier, was released. During his rescue, according to some accounts, two of his captors were executed by members of the Technical Judicial Police, even though they had surrendered and were handcuffed.[5]
During the Cantaura massacre, 23 guerrillas were killed in a joint operation between the army and the DISIP.[5] Some of the dead guerrillas had been shot execution-style and were buried in a mass grave without the consent of their families. Under pressure from relatives and activists, the remains were exhumed and returned to their families.[5]
Several organizations, such as the Comité Luto Activo, denounced the increase in violence by state security forces within the framework of Plan Unión, a public order control program. Cases of arbitrary detention, raids, abuse of authority, and extrajudicial executions were reported.[17][18]
In 1980, the prefects of Caracas threatened to apply the Law on Vagrants and Criminals and "send homosexuals to El Dorado".[19] Within the framework of Plan Unión, actions informally known as "Operation Butterflies" were carried out. In these operations, police forces conducted raids on bars and places frequented by sexually diverse people, leading to arbitrary detentions and abuses against the community, along with discriminatory and sensationalist treatment in the media.[19]
On the other hand, activists and organizations dedicated themselves to reporting some cases of human rights violations. Since the 1980s, Father Acacio Belandria dedicated himself to supporting those displaced by the Colombian internal conflict, as well as denouncing the militarization of border towns and the actions of guerrilla groups.[17] Meanwhile, the Haitian-Venezuelan Committee for the Defense of Human Rights (CDDH) organized a demonstration denouncing the refusal to treat Haitians at the General Hospital of the South in Maracaibo.[20]
In 1983, a decree was published in the Official Gazette of Venezuela establishing the initiation of human rights education programs in secondary education, although it was never implemented.[18]
Foreign policy

Venezuela hosted the IX Pan American Games of 1983. Luis Herrera's support for Argentine military dictator and "dirty war" veteran Leopoldo Fortunato Galtieri during the Falklands War also stood out, officially though not materially, and he diplomatically backed the Argentine movement.[21] His support for Argentina took place while affirming Venezuela's longstanding claim over the Essequibo Guyana, a former British colony. In accordance with that position, in 1982 it was decided not to renew the Protocol of Port of Spain signed with the United Kingdom and then-British Guiana in 1970.[22]
On 3 August 1982, his government also recognized the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic as a sovereign state in the Western Sahara. In December 1982, PDVSA signed a cooperation agreement with the German oil company VEBA for the establishment of a joint venture called Ruhr Oel GmbH. This event is considered the beginning of the internationalization of PDVSA.
Plans
Luis Herrera Campíns attempted to have Venezuela enter the Non-Aligned Movement, but was vetoed by Guyana.[23]
International trips
1980
| Date | Location | Main purpose |
|---|---|---|
| 14–17 April 1980 | Official visit, including to the European Parliament.[24][25] |
1981
| Date | Location | Main purpose |
|---|---|---|
| 22–23 October 1981 | Cancún, |
North–South Summit.[26] |
| 16–19 November 1981 | Official visit.[27] |
1983
| Date | Location | Main purpose |
|---|---|---|
| 16–17 July 1983 | ||
| 18 December 1983 | Bogotá, |
Bolivarian summit of Latin American leaders. The joint declaration called on the international community to help achieve peace in Central America.[28] |
Opposition
According to El Nacional, in 1983 there were 162 protests in Venezuela.[29]