Talk:Bhāts
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Notes
- Piliavsky, Anastasia (2020). "The Perils of Masterless People". Nobody's People: Hierarchy as Hope in a Society of Thieves. South Asia in Motion. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press. p. 146–151. ISBN 978-1503614215.
*All upwardly mobile aspirants to Rajput status, from major landholders to hillsmen and leathersmiths, relied on the production and maintenance of pedigrees. And so bards were in high demand among communities of all standings.
*As communities of patrons secured royal or aristocratic standing, their bards, too, rose in status. [..] From the thirteenth century, while royal Charans and Bhats occupied some of the highest social positions, just below their royal patrons, the bards of low ranking communities have remained on the periphery of social life.
*In Western India the history of Rajputization, or the emergence of a Rajput elite (see p. 35), resulted in the rise of two classes of bards: the elite bards (Charan eulogists and Bhat genealogists) who served Rajputs and other dominant communities, and the lowly Bhats (genealogists) and Nats (dancers and ropewalkers) who served various low-status castes (Russell 1916: 339; Snodgrass 2004: 275–80).
*Prior to their dislocation from positions of authority in the colonial period, royal bards were equal, or even superior, in status to royal Brahmans (Tessitori 1917; Vidal 1997: 92). Like royal Brahmans, they held a place of honor in the court and received permanent tax-free land grants (muāfis or śāśans) (Waghorne 1985: 11; Imperial Gazetteer of India 1908: 24:100). [..] Indeed, royal Charans and Bhats were so revered that they were treated as sacrosanct and inviolable: the sacred brothers or sons of their patrons' clan goddesses (kul devis), referred to as the Deviputra (Sons of the Goddess) (Shah & Shroff 1958: 249).
• Мастер Шторм (talk) 23:05, 27 November 2020 (UTC) [expanded notes] Мастер Шторм (talk) 14:02, 16 March 2021 (UTC)
Regarding edits on Bhats article
Hello. Thank you Мастер Шторм for pointing out my mistake in removing the mention of other communities from Bhat article. I agree that the mention of other social groups is necessary for complete understanding. I think there is an issue with this line in the article under the 'Social Status' heading:
The Bhats and Charans serving the royals were regarded as "the sacred brothers or sons of their patrons' clan goddesses" and were seen as "sacrosanct and inviolable".
Here, 'sacred brothers or sons of their patrons' can goddesses' actually refers to the 'Deviputra'(sons of the goddess) title, which is given in the referenced book by Anastasia Piliavsky, and it can be verified with multiple sources that it was only Charans who considered themselves and were known as 'Deviputra'.
The book given as source: Nobody's People: Hierarchy as Hope in a Society of Thieves | Anastasia Piliavsky, is cited as reference 4 times in the article. Reading some sections of the book, it is clear that the author has mistaken the Bhat and Charan as one, on multiple occasions. For example, Chapter-2: Lords of Begun, page 49:
Once, when I was staying with him and Baiji, their family genealogist(Charan) came to update his register of births, marriages, deaths, and property purchases made in the previous year.
In the above example, it is clear that the author has confusion regarding the distinction between the Charan & Bhat communities and their traditional role. In Indian society, Genealogists are Bhats. The 'register of births, marriages, deaths, and property purchases made' are all functions of Bhats who serve all Hindu castes as well as a few Muslim castes. Whereas, the Charans, among their diverse occupations, were also poets. And as a subsection through poetry when their subjects were Rajput kings, they can be considered as Eulogists.
So, I wish to explain that there can be inaccuracies in this article and if not all mentions completely, at least the first-mentioned line about "sons of goddess" should be removed. I am listing a few sources and quoting the lines which should establish the relationship b/w 'Deviputra' i.e. 'sons of goddess' term and the Charans, which is unique and exclusive.
- Sources:
1. [Folk Art and Culture of Gujarat Guide to the Collection of the Shreyas Folk Museum of Gujarat By Jyotindra Jain, Shreyas Folk Museum of Gujarat · 1980][1]
As mentioned earlier the Charan women are considered living goddesses and the Charan men are called deviputra, sons of the goddess.
(PAGE 84)
2. [Women of India Colonial and Post-colonial Periods 2005][2]
The Charans consider themselves to be deviputra, meaning Sons of the Goddess, which does not only refer to their mythical origin but also to the belief that all Charan women are potential, and many are actual, reincarnations of the 'Mother'. In this community of Gujarat particularly, already small girls are addressed as 'ma' or 'ai' meaning 'mother' and respected with utmost humility by other, even elder, members of the group. These 'living goddesses' possess and spell out the power or the bounty of the Mother.
(PAGE 531)
3. [Power, Profit, and Poetry Traditional Society in Kathiawar, Western India By Harald Tambs-Lyche · 1997][3]
...of the lineage that the Charan becomes ' son of the Goddess ' ( deviputra )
(PAGE 271)
4. [Asian Folklore Studies 2000][4]
The Charan regards himself as a deviputra ( a direct descendent of the Mother Goddess of the Universe). As a holy man, he was considered worthy of worship...
(PAGE 42)
5. [Transaction and Hierarchy: Elements for a Theory of Caste Harald Tambs-Lyche · 2017][5]
and the Charans, known as Deviputra, children of the goddess, occupy a pivotal position in traditional society. Though they have links to Maldharis as well as to Darbars, we must see them, in a historical perspective, as occupying a particular place of their own.
(PAGE 131)
6. [Ashes of Immortality Widow-Burning in India By Catherine Weinberger-Thomas · 1999][6]
Charan men consider themselves to be " **Brothers of the Black Veil** " ( **lovribhai** ), which is tantamount to calling themselves the " Sons of the Goddess " ( deviputra )
(PAGE157)
7. [German Scholars on India: Contributions to Indian Studies Friedrich Max Müller · 1973][7]
We had no contacts with the Charans in Sind, who may have other ideas but those in India agreed about the following beliefs: They are descendants of the or a goddess and call themselves accordingly deviputra (sons of the goddess).
(PAGE 389)
Krayon95 (talk) 20:56, 19 September 2021 (UTC)
References
Deviputra
Hello, Krayon95. Anastasia Piliavsky is a scholar and please do not have the impression that she is confusing social groups. Scholars like her who get to publish their work in publications like the Stanford University Press does not confuse social groups.
Please note that none of the sources provided above by you says, anywhere, that the Bhats (elite/royal Bhats) were not regarded as Deviputras. None of the sources provided by you says that Piliavsky, in 2020, was confused between the Bhats and Charans. Piliavsky never said that the Charans were not regarded as Deviputras. Piliavsky said that the elite and royal Bhats (not low-status Bhats) and the royal Charans were regarded as Deviputras.
- Piliavsky, Anastasia (2020). "The Perils of Masterless People". Nobody's People: Hierarchy as Hope in a Society of Thieves. South Asia in Motion. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press. p. 147. ISBN 978-1503614215.
Indeed, royal Charans and Bhats were so revered that they were treated as sacrosanct and inviolable: the sacred brothers or sons of their patrons' clan goddesses (kul devis), referred to as the Deviputra (Sons of the Goddess) (Shah & Shroff 1958: 249).)
Also, we must remember that we must not violate WP:SYN. Piliavsky is actually only saying something more, however, it is not coming directly from her as she has attributed that to Shah and Shroff (this way, she is also attesting their work). Providing quotes below from the article of Shah and Shroff:
- Shah, A. M.; Shroff, R. G. (July–September 1958). "The Vahīvancā Bāroṭs of Gujarat: A Caste of Genealogists and Mythographers". Journal of American Folklore. 71 (281, Traditional India: Structure and Change). USA: American Folklore Society: 246–276. JSTOR 538561.
Although Bhats and Carans follow the same occupation, they follow two different traditions in their poetry. Carans compose their poetry in a dialect known as Dingal. This is a poetic dialect of Western Rajasthani evolved by Carans, and not used for ordinary purposes. On the other hand, Bhats compose their poetry in a well-known dialect of Hindi called Braj Bhasa. There has always been rivalry between the two traditions, and the poetry of the Bhats is regarded as a higher form than that of the Carans. Formerly, a Bhat or Caran was called a Deviputra, i.e., the son of a goddess. [..] Bhats and Carans were called Deviputras because they were mata or Devi worshippers, the former at the Sanskritic, and the latter at the non-Sanskritic level. [..] The person of a Bhat or Caran was considered sacred because of his position as a Deviputra. [..] At the same time, several Bhats and Carans ceased to be mata worshippers, and therefore lost their position as Deviputras.
Their article was published in a scholarly publication after 1947, and is therefore, acceptable as a source on Wikipedia. I mean to say that if a modern scholar cites that article (attests that article and its content), then it further adds to the degree of reliability of that article and that article can be cited on Wikipedia. Any text attributed to that article in the book can be cited on Wikipedia.
While noting that Piliavsky's book is published by the Stanford University Press in 2020, please understand that research and knowledge improves with time and we should prefer the views of modern scholars as much as possible.
I am providing below one more scholarly source which is published by the Department of Ancient Indian History, Culture and Archaeology of the Banaras Hindu University which says that the Bhats were regarded as Deviputras.
- Swayam, S. (2001) [Composed 1998–1999]. Singh, Purushottam (ed.). "Sites of Ritual Construction of Identities: A Fresh Look at the Memorial Stones of Gujarat". Bharati: Bulletin of the Department of Ancient Indian History, Culture and Archaeology. Vol. 25. Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh, India: Department of Ancient Indian History, Culture and Archaeology of the Banaras Hindu University. pp. 23–65. ISSN 0523-1302. OCLC 16942361.
There has always been rivalry between the two traditions, and the poetry of Bhats is regarded as a higher form than that of the Charan. The person of Bhat or Charan was considered sacred because of his position as a Deviputra. This belief was the basis of several sanctions at he disposal of Bhats and Charans.
Now we know that Anastasia Piliavsky, A. M. Shah, and R. G. Shroff are not the only scholars to have said that the Bhats were regarded as Deviputras. However, I think that keeping the text while attributing it to them might actually be a more encyclopaedic act in this situation. Something like Anastasia Piliavsky agrees with A. M. Shah and R. G. Shroff that..., Anastasia Piliavsky quotes A. M. Shah and R. G. Shroff..., According to A. M. Shah and R. G. Shroff, etc.? I suggest that we make this change. Thanks, Мастер Шторм (talk) 14:58, 21 September 2021 (UTC) [Nothing deleted, made no change to already written text but only inserted the quote under discussion from Piliavsky's book] Мастер Шторм (talk) 03:30, 22 September 2021 (UTC)
Genealogist
- Basu, Helene (2013). "Gujarat: Transformations of Hierarchy". In Berger, Peter; Heidemann, Frank (eds.). The Modern Anthropology of India: Ethnography, Themes and Theory (illustrated ed.). Taylor & Francis. pp. 87–113. ISBN 978-1134061181.
From pages 100–101: According to Tambs-Lyche, the absence of Brahmans from royal Rajput rituals of kingship was compensated by Charan bards and genealogists, who mediated the kings' relationship with the state deity in rather unusual ways. [..] As in Saurashtra, Charan bards and genealogists served their Rajput patrons by singing their praises and recording the histories of their lineages, while the goddess was often born in a Charan house (Basu 2004a).
- Thapar, Romila (2013). "Towards Historical Traditions". The Past Before Us: Historical Traditions of Early North India (illustrated ed.). Harvard University Press. pp. 49–84. ISBN 978-0674726512.
From page 81:These were compositions that drew in part from earlier traditions with their multiple sources: the records of the bards and genealogists—the bhat and charan—as well as the court records of the scribes.
- Schaflechner, Jürgen (2018). "Hinglaj in Perspective". Hinglaj Devi: Identity, Change, and Solidification at a Hindu Temple in Pakistan (illustrated ed.). Oxford University Press. pp. 40–91. ISBN 978-0190850524.
From page 61: Many Charan men were employed as bards and poets, serving kings and aristocrats as genealogists and, even more significantly, assembling and composing the histories of their masters' dynasties.
- Piliavsky, Anastasia (2019). "Secrecy and Continuity in Rajasthan". In Shryock, Andrew; Scheele, Judith (eds.). The Scandal of Continuity in Middle East Anthropology: Form, Duration, Difference. Indiana University Press. pp. 119–139. ISBN 978-0253043788.
From page 137 (Notes): The use of "secret languages" is common among professional communities across South Asia: Charan genealogists use a specialist language called Dingal to make their records (A. Shah and Shroff 1958; Smith 1975; Ziegler 1976)...
Below mentioned is a scholarly source saying that the Charans had worked as traditional bards and genealogists in a region in Rajasthan:
- Basu, Helene (2000). "Localising Memories of Kingship: Paliyo, Chatri and Samadhi". Journal of the Indian Anthropological Society. 35. Indian Anthropological Society: 1–8.
From page 3: As traditional bards and genealogists, many Charan men are experts in local history. The paliyos serve as a kind of mnemonics for the history of the village and the ties that bound the Charan ancestors to their Rajput masters.
For the sake of clarity and the avoidance of doubt, a few of the many scholarly sources saying that people from the Charan social group did work as genealogists are provided above. Thanks, Мастер Шторм (talk) 06:43, 22 September 2021 (UTC)
Multiple occupations & professions
- Rao, Aparna (2016) [First published 2007]. "Peripatetic Peoples and Lifestyles in South Asia". In Brower, Barbara; Johnston, Barbara Rose (eds.). Disappearing Peoples?: Indigenous Groups and Ethnic Minorities in South and Central Asia (illustrated, reprint ed.). Taylor & Francis. pp. 52–69. ISBN 978-1315430393.
From page 54: Similarly, the term Charan denotes a cluster of nomadic pastoralists, itinerant bards, merchants, farmers, genealogists, guides, transporters, and even priests in western India and Sindh.
- Kothiyal, Tanuja (2016). "Narratives of Mobility and Mobility of Narratives". Nomadic Narratives: A History of Mobility and Identity in the Great Indian Desert (illustrated, reprint ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 217–263. ISBN 978-1107080317. LCCN 2015014741. OCLC 1003137945.
From page 220: The bardic literature in the Thar region was composed over centuries by specialist bardic community of Charans and patronized by Rajput courts. Charans, a composite community that performed multiple tasks of poets, genealogists, arbiters, religious functionaries, graziers, cattle rearers, farmers, caravan guides, messengers, traders, and money lenders have a complex history of origin as discussed in chapter three. The process of transformation of Charans from graziers to genealogist-poets and traders is as complex as the emergence of the Rajputs.
I have provided this one more source only for the sake of clarity and the avoidance of doubt. Just to show that not each and every Charan in history had been either a poet & eulogist or a genealogist. I guess we can agree that all the individuals from any social group, in any country, could never have been in exactly the same occupation. Thanks, Мастер Шторм (talk) 06:43, 22 September 2021 (UTC) [Expanded] Мастер Шторм (talk) 04:39, 23 September 2021 (UTC)
Regarding mention of Charans in this article
Hello, Мастер Шторм Authors can make mistakes. But as I read WP:SYN, we cannot make conclusions or judge them from the text. I understand that you are not local or related to the region and I also understand that it shouldn't stop anyone from making meaningful contributions to the wiki, given reliable sources.
- Shah, A. M.; Shroff, R. G. (July–September 1958). "The Vahīvancā Bāroṭs of Gujarat: A Caste of Genealogists and Mythographers". Journal of American Folklore. 71 (281, Traditional India: Structure and Change). USA: American Folklore Society: 246–276. JSTOR 538561.
Although Bhats and Carans follow the same occupation, they follow two different traditions in their poetry. Carans compose their poetry in a dialect known as Dingal. This is a poetic dialect of Western Rajasthani evolved by Carans, and not used for ordinary purposes. On the other hand, Bhats compose their poetry in a well-known dialect of Hindi called Braj Bhasa. There has always been rivalry between the two traditions, and the poetry of the Bhats is regarded as a higher form than that of the Carans. Formerly, a Bhat or Caran was called a Deviputra, i.e., the son of a goddess. [..] Bhats and Carans were called Deviputras because they were mata or Devi worshippers, the former at the Sanskritic, and the latter at the non-Sanskritic level. [..] The person of a Bhat or Caran was considered sacred because of his position as a Deviputra. [..] At the same time, several Bhats and Carans ceased to be mata worshippers, and therefore lost their position as Deviputras.
According to the above-given source that was quoted in your reply, Deviputras are those who worship Devi(goddess)! So why aren't Rajputs, Devipujak community, and the massive population of India including the Bengalis who primarily worship Devi, aren't called Deviputras? As I said authors can make mistakes. The simple reason why Charans are Deviputra can be found out from the fact that Karni Mata, Khodiyar, Bahuchara, Tanot Mata, and many other regional goddesses worshipped in the western Indian region including Rajasthan, Gujarat, and Sindh were born in the Charan community. That is the only reason.
- Controversies
According to the book: Big Words, Little People Cash and Ken in Modern Rajasthan By Jeffrey Gore Snodgrass · 1997[1]
Out of love and pity of this Bhat, this man's Bhambhi patron gave him one of his own son in adoption. This previously Bhambhi, now Bhat, child married a Kawa Bhat. The offspring of this formed the Charan line. They took the name Charan in imitation of an elevated caste of bards who went by this name.
In the above lines you can see that there can be problems as even though there's no relation, a sub-group of Bhats took on the name of 'Charan', a case of appropriation. So, I want to point out that the subject is controversial. As you can see in my previous reply, I quoted 7 sources that indicate the exclusive usage of the Deviputra term for Charans. I can also list other sources which can negate the text of the Bhats article. It would be unnecessary. I simply suggest that we should revert to my previous edit. Mention of 'Charan' term would be left out. And if you find it very important despite the slight controversial nature, 'sons of the goddess' term for bhats may be kept in place. I think this would be better solution. Thanks. Krayon95 (talk) 21:42, 21 September 2021 (UTC)
- Hello, Krayon95. I will begin again by requesting you to not have the impression that any scholar is confusing between any social groups. We know that scholars are free to challenge the findings and views of another scholar, and this is not something that happens very rarely. The general practice is that, if one wants, to challenge the findings and views of a scholar who has been cited in an article, one would need to provide comments from other scholars who have challenged the works of that scholar. If such challenging views are available, than in those situations, the scholar being challenged may be un-cited from the article or the views of other scholars regarding her/his findings (the specific points) may be added to the article for WP:NPOV. It depends on several factors which approach would be taken.
- Of course, there is not a shred of doubt that the Charans were regarded as Deviputras, because the scholars say so, and we read and edit from the works of scholars. Why other people who worshipped the goddesses were not ragrded as Deviputras? I don't have the answer to that question because I have not come through any explanation by a scholar regarding that. If I try to answer it by myself, that would be my POV. So, I won't do that.
- As long as it does not fails WP:SYN, only necessary and limited mention of other social groups (only as required and only per sources) in articles on social groups is general encyclopedic practice. No encyclopedia article on social groups can be developed without some mention of other social groups. And as you do understand and agree to this, please let us not even consider removing the mentions of other social groups from the article.
- Please note that no mention of any social group is unnecessarily dragged into this article. Only a necessary and very limited mention of other social groups is there and that too when the scholars have themselves deemed it necessary to mention other social groups with the Bhats (in the sentences they wrote) to state something in their articles and books. We get to have no say in this. We can only edit from what they have stated in their articles and books.
- As far as this sentence under discussion from the article is concerned —
The Bhats and Charans serving the royals were regarded as "the sacred brothers or sons of their patrons' clan goddesses" and were seen as "sacrosanct and inviolable".
— I have removed it from the article for now, and I won't make a request to keep it/add it back even with the attributions until we or other editors agree with that. No one WP:OWN any page here, and there is no WP:DEADLINE.
- Fully answering your above comments will require a lengthy response from my side which will have replies and counter replies. I am too busy in real life to go for a lengthy discussion, and don't want to closely follow up either, as that would consume the time which I really don't have. No chance for months or perhaps even more than that. So, can we close this discussion for now. If this is discussed again in distant future by other editors, we will be pinged, and we can state our views. I don't think that I am opening a discussion on this for a very long time, however if I do, I would ping you. Now my dear, can I take a Wikibreak, please? Thanks,
Мастер Шторм (talk) 10:04, 22 September 2021 (UTC)[Nothing deleted, made no change to already written text but only added some text] Мастер Шторм (talk) 12:13, 23 September 2021 (UTC)
I would like to have things on the brighter side. So, I will says a few more words about these below comments of yours:
According to the book: Big Words, Little People Cash and Ken in Modern Rajasthan By Jeffrey Gore Snodgrass · 1997[1]
Out of love and pity of this Bhat, this man's Bhambhi patron gave him one of his own son in adoption. This previously Bhambhi, now Bhat, child married a Kawa Bhat. The offspring of this formed the Charan line. They took the name Charan in imitation of an elevated caste of bards who went by this name.In the above lines you can see that there can be problems as even though there's no relation, a sub-group of Bhats took on the name of 'Charan', a case of appropriation. So, I want to point out that the subject is controversial. As you can see in my previous reply, I quoted 7 sources that indicate the exclusive usage of the Deviputra term for Charans. I can also list other sources which can negate the text of the Bhats article. It would be unnecessary. I simply suggest that we should revert to my previous edit. Mention of 'Charan' term would be left out. And if you find it very important despite the slight controversial nature, 'sons of the goddess' term for bhats may be kept in place. I think this would be better solution. Thanks. Krayon95 (talk) 21:42, 21 September 2021 (UTC)
Krayon95, firstly, I am mentioning below your own comments where you had shown good understanding of how better encyclopedia article can be written, for which I am thankful:
Hello. Thank you Мастер Шторм for pointing out my mistake in removing the mention of other communities from Bhat article. I agree that the mention of other social groups is necessary for complete understanding.
You have yourself recognized this fact. I hope that when you reached this right conclusion, my comments in this edit summary might have also helped you in reaching that understanding. After that also, I hope that I was able to further add something to your understanding by my comments in this and specially in the sections above. So, please don't go back to the old day 1 situation. Please!
Social sciences are indeed full of contentious, controversial, debatable topics, specially when about social groups of Asia. However, that shouldn't stop us from studying and exploring them. In fact, this is what makes it all so worthy of our time. Being a part of the evolving encyclopedia is so good. As long as we are carefully reading and properly rephrasing the words of scholars, there is nothing wrong in editing controversial topics, we just have to stick to our sources. In a situation when we have multiples scholarly sources expressing varying opinions, we can simply mention those varying opinions in the articles. Absolutely nothing wrong in that. In fact, that is the right way to edit an encyclopedia.
As far as this part below is concerned:
I think there is an issue with this line in the article under the 'Social Status' heading:
The Bhats and Charans serving the royals were regarded as "the sacred brothers or sons of their patrons' clan goddesses" and were seen as "sacrosanct and inviolable".
Please re-read my comments in this and specially in the sections above. Also, see this edit and edit summary. You provided sources which say Charans were regarded as Deviputras and requested removal of this sentence. My replies showed that although Charans were recognized as Deviputras (no doubt), other opinions exist that say that Charans and Bhats both were regarded as Deviputras. The sources provided by you were not contradicted as those sources never said that only and only Charans were regarded as Deviputras. Please note that one additional source that I provided was published by the Department of Ancient Indian History, Culture and Archaeology of Banaras Hindu University. Even a famous Indian university publication also said so. That means something, right!
I still believe that that information can be added in the article with attributions but what I did was removed it myself (in goodwill) because of the good faith discussion and to try to make sure that the discussion is continued in good faith and kept on the right track. However, I am never requesting that that sentence be kept/added back in the article as long as other editors also think that it can stay. I repeat, no one WP:OWN any page on Wikipedia. Please also refer to the previous comments above. Thanks, Мастер Шторм (talk) 12:13, 23 September 2021 (UTC)
Joanne Punzo Waghorne
Joanne Punzo Waghorne can be cited with attribution in the WP articles.
Some assessments by scholars from various countries
- Lorenzen, David N. (July–September 1987). "Reviewed Works: Darśan: Seeing the Divine Image in India by Diana L. Eck; Gods of Flesh, Gods of Stone: The Embodiment of Divinity in India by Joanne Punzo Waghorne, Norman Cutler". Estudios de Asia y África (in Spanish). 22 (3 (73)). Mexico City, Mexico: El Colegio de México: 451–455. JSTOR 40313114.
Final paragraph: Si las preguntas que nos permitimos han de terminar aquí —si tenemos que renunciar a la búsqueda de explicaciones psicológicas, sociológicas e históricas de estos fenómenos—, entonces lo único que en realidad podemos hacer es intentar traducir las declaraciones de los devotos sobre lo que están haciendo al lenguaje algo más filosófico del académico contemporáneo. Tiendo a dudar que ello represente un avance realmente significativo. Sin embargo, salvo esta objeción un poco idiosincrática, hay que reconocer que estos dos libros representan valiosas contribuciones al estudio del hinduismo que hoy en día se practica en la India.
- Vasantkumar, N. J. C. (1995). Knecht, Peter; Fuchs, Stephen; Kirchner, Thomas L. (eds.). "Reviewed Work: The Raja's Magic Clothes: Re-Visioning Kingship and Divinity in England's India by Joanne Punzo Waghorne". Asian Folklore Studies. 54 (2). Nagoya, Japan: Anthropological Institute, Nanzan University: 351–353. JSTOR 1178965.
Final paragraph: Although Waghorne's theologic of ornamentation seems prone to a glitzy exegesis matching that of Pudukkottai's ornamentation, her effort should be applauded for directing further scholarly attention toward aspects of nonorthodox India. Waghorne deserves credit for showing how different religious traditions accommodate each other. The book's pictorial "ornamentation" (which includes two photographs of the author at work) is, moreover, a joy to behold. Perhaps it is fitting that Waghorne's estimation of the works of Müller and Frazer as "decorative things" is so apt for her own work.
- Kinnard, Jacob N. (January 1996). Browning, Don S.; Gamwell, Franklin I.; McGinn, Bernard (eds.). "Reviewed Work: The Raja's Magic Clothes: Re-Visioning Kingship and Divinity in England's India by Joanne Punzo Waghorne". The Journal of Religion. 76 (1). Chicago, Illinois, USA: University of Chicago Press: 157–159. JSTOR 1204330.
Final paragraph: The Rajas's Magic Clothes is a book about ornamentations and images, and Waghorne has reproduced and intricately analyzed a great many paintings and photographs that "illustrate" her argument. The most extraordinary of these images is the last one in the book. It is a photo of Waghorne herself. She is sitting on the floor of a small room, next to a simple bed covered with documents. Before her, spread out on a sheet, is a pile of torn and tattered papers, what appears to be a pile of worthless trash. Waghorne, however, is holding one of these papers, intently studying it even as it seems to be crumbling in her hands. She sees something fascinating there. The caption tells us that this apparent pile of refuse is part of the remains of the Pudukkottai Palace Records. I cannot image a more fitting icon of and for this remarkable book, for she has transformed this pile into a complex and richly rewarding study that should serve as a model of the microcosm with macrocosmic importance. Waghorne may have focused on the tiny South Indian kingdom of Pudukkottai, but she has brilliantly illuminated a host of much larger issues in the study of religion.
- McLeod, John (July 1996). Morgan, D. O.; Wright, Lydia (eds.). "Reviewed Work: The Raja's Magic Clothes. Re-Visioning Kingship and Divinity in England's India by Joanne Punzo Waghorne". Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. 6 (2). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press: 269–271. JSTOR 25183209.
Final paragraph: All of this makes it very difficult to pass judgement on The Raja's Magic Clothes. The book undoubtedly contains much that is original and valuable, and it should be read by all students of Indian kingship and by many students of Hinduism; but it is interspersed with so much strange nonsense that many readers will find it as much irritating as they do enlightening.
- Davis, Richard H. (May 1997). Reynolds, Frank E.; Doniger, Wendy; Ebersole, Gary L.; Lincoln, Bruce (eds.). "Reviewed Work: The Raja's Magic Clothes: Re-Visioning Kingship and Divinity in England's India by Joanne Punzo Waghorne". History of Religions. 36 (4). Chicago, Illinois, USA: University of Chicago Press: 391–393. JSTOR 3176491.
Final paragraph: For this reason, this study of rituals of kingship in a small hinterland Native State under British colonial control warrants an audience beyond Indianists, among all those concerned with the historical study of religion. With adept shifts in order of magnitude, Waghorne successfully connects the complex reenvisioning of royal ceremonial in tiny Pudukkottai in the drylands of southern India with the reenvisioning of divinity in the imperial-scale intellectual projects of Müller and Frazer, taking all humankind as their purview, and then connects this with her own call to reenvision our study of religion. We could all do well to seek to recover, as Waghorne urges us, some of the "thingness" of religiosity.Observation by Jeffrey Carter
- Carter, Jeffrey (2004). Braun, Willi; Wolfart, Johannes C. (eds.). "Comparison in the History of Religions: Reflections and Critiques". Method & Theory in the Study of Religion. 16 (1). The Netherlands: Brill: 3–11. eISSN 1570-0682. ISSN 0943-3058. JSTOR 23551269.
From page 9–10: Joanne Punzo Waghorne takes an "ethnographic" approach to the issue of comparison and its postmodern critiques, and wonders why it elicits such passionate scholarly positions. With references to a number of authors and texts, including several from A Magic Still Dwells, she identifies three different ways Religious Studies scholars have responded to "postmodernism": (1) "re-traditionalization", a return to focusing on individual religious traditions, (2) "saving transcendence", a defense of transcendent categories, and (3) "new scientism", a call for an empirical/historical basis to studying religion. Despite their obvious differences, Waghorne notes how all three responses are built "on the assumption of the persistence of religion", and rely on a commitment to taking it seriously. "On the ground", she concludes, religion cannot be confined to scholarly models and terminology, or removed from the clear postmodern contexts of "transnational religion and processes of globalization".
Thanks, Мастер Шторм (talk) 09:16, 24 September 2021 (UTC)