The plan had widespread appeal among the union movement and the lower levels of the Social Democratic Party, who were desperate for a strategy to reduce unemployment. Six million workers were unemployed during 1932 and as a result were facing destitution, exacerbated by cuts to unemployment benefits and social welfare. Woytinsky's work in Die Arbeit had sparked wide debate over active economic policy in the party and the unions, and some aspects garnered widespread support.[3]: 164–165
While Woytinsky had won over the bulk of the union movement by the end of 1931, most Social Democratic leaders were skeptical. Rudolf Hilferding, the party's widely respected chief theoretician and economist, opposed Woytinsky's ideas throughout their development and promotion. Hilferding adhered to the economic orthodoxy of the time. He believed that the periodic crises of capitalism were unavoidable and that state intervention could do little if anything to facilitate recovery. Fear of inflation was also widespread after Germany's experience with hyperinflation in the early 1920s: Hilferding believed that the inflationary impact of debt financing would erase any positive effects.[2][3]: 164 Moreover, many socialists were disturbed by the idea of attempting to "rescue" capitalism from a crisis of its own making. Fritz Tarnow, though a supporter of the plan, articulated this dilemma:
Now, however, we stand at the sickbed of capitalism not only as diagnosticians, but also – yes, what can I say? – as a doctor who wants to heal? Or as a cheerful heir who can't wait for the end and would prefer to help things along with poison? This double role, doctor and heir, is a damn difficult task.
These arguments proved persuasive for large parts of the party. Social Democratic leaders also viewed the plan as an intrusion into the sphere of policymaking, which traditionally lay with the party, not the unions. Considering these factors, and with Hilferding staunchly opposed, the SPD board rejected the WTB plan in January 1932. The ADGB reluctantly followed their lead, declining to endorse the plan, but continued to call for large-scale public works and against deflation.[3]: 164 Following this, the SPD tacked to the left throughout 1932. They endorsed public works but not deficit spending, and instead emphasised "transformation of the economy" and large-scale nationalisation of industries such as mining and banking as the way out of the crisis.[3]: 165–166