2025 Albanian parliamentary election

Corruption and governance context

The election was held after three consecutive Socialist Party mandates under Edi Rama, whose governments had presented EU accession as the central strategic objective while also facing persistent domestic and international scrutiny over corruption, public procurement and the relationship between state institutions and party power. In its 2025 enlargement report, the European Commission assessed that Albania's parliamentary elections were professionally conducted but noted shortcomings including an unequal playing field and abuse of public resources.^[26] The OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) later concluded that the ruling party benefited from administrative resources and institutional leverage, blurring the line between state and party, while also noting allegations of pressure on public employees, intimidation of opposition supporters, patronage networks, vote buying and the influence of criminal elements in some areas.^[27]

Several high-profile corruption cases involving Socialist Party officials or figures associated with the governing majority shaped the pre-election environment. In February 2025, Tirana mayor Erion Veliaj, a senior Socialist Party figure and former minister in Rama's cabinet, was arrested after the Special Prosecution against Corruption and Organized Crime (SPAK) accused him of corruption, money laundering and related offences. Prosecutors alleged that Veliaj and his wife obtained over €1 million in illicit income through a scheme involving public contracts, permits, non-governmental organizations and private companies; Veliaj denied wrongdoing and called the case politically motivated.^[28][29] The case was politically sensitive because Veliaj governed the capital city, had been considered a possible successor to Rama within the Socialist Party, and was arrested three months before election day.

The opposition used Veliaj's arrest, the earlier Albanian incinerators scandal, the Kukës case involving former Socialist mayor Safet Gjici, and the so-called 5D affair in Tirana Municipality to portray the Socialist Party as a clientelist network. The governing party rejected opposition claims that the election was illegitimate and argued that the work of SPAK demonstrated the independence of justice reform. International observers did not adopt the opposition's terminology, but the ODIHR final report stated that abuses of office and public resources were often left unsanctioned because the Complaints and Sanctions Commission applied a narrow interpretation of rules on administrative resources.^[27]

Corruption allegations continued after the election. In December 2025, SPAK indicted Deputy Prime Minister and infrastructure minister Belinda Balluku, a close ally of Rama, on suspicion of interfering in major infrastructure tenders; Balluku denied wrongdoing.^[30] Reuters reported that the allegations concerned two construction contracts from 2021 worth more than €200 million and that the scandal, together with a string of corruption cases, fueled protests and posed a challenge to Rama's fourth mandate and Albania's EU ambitions.^[30] Rama initially stood by Balluku, but dismissed her in February 2026 after the investigation intensified and opposition protests continued.^[31]

Allocation of seats by county

More information #, County ...

#	County	2024 population[39]	Seats	Ch.
1	Berat	140,956	7
2	Dibër	107,178	5
3	Durrës	226,863	14
4	Elbasan	232,580	14
5	Fier	240,377	16
6	Gjirokastër	60,013	4
7	Korçë	173,091	10	1
8	Kukës	61,998	3
9	Lezhë	99,384	7
10	Shkodër	154,479	11
11	Tirana	758,513	37	1
12	Vlorë	146,681	12

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Election date

According to the constitution, parliamentary elections in Albania are required to be conducted no later than 60 days after and no earlier than 30 days prior to the expiration of the parliament's mandate.^[33] On 11 October 2024, commissioner Ilirjan Celibashi of the Komisioni Qendror i Zgjedhjeve (KQZ) recommended the period between 20 April and 11 May 2025, as the most appropriate timeframe for the upcoming parliamentary elections.^[40] On 11 November 2024, President Bajram Begaj procedurally initiated consultations to determine the election date for the elections, inviting representatives from the Coalition for Reforms, Integration, and Consolidated Institutions (KRIIK) to the Presidenca.^[41]

Following on 19 November, Begaj held the first round of consultations with leaders of smaller opposition parties, who proposed 4 May as the most suitable election date.^[42][43] This suggestion was made in light of the anticipated European Political Community Summit in Tirana on 9 May, with leaders arguing that holding elections before the summit would prevent potential electoral manipulation.^[43] Begaj described the consultations as the beginning of a transparent and constructive electoral process.^[43] He emphasised that the decision regarding the election date should be based on the best interests of voters, following a balanced, open debate with input from a wide range of political and institutional actors.^[44] The Democratic Party declined to participate in consultations with Begaj. The Freedom Party accepted the invitation, with Tedi Blushi and Erisa Xhixho requesting that the President decree any election date permitted by the Electoral Code, except the one proposed by Taulant Balla of the Socialist Party. Basha refrained from proposing a specific date but emphasised that the primary focus should be on election standards rather than the date itself.^[45] On 25 November, Begaj concluded the consultation process and highlighted the importance of the process, stating that the discussions were guided by the best interests of the voters rather than narrow political calculations.^[46][47] Conclusively, on 5 December, Begaj announced that the 2025 elections would be scheduled for 11 May 2025.^[48][49]

Amendments

On 26 July 2024, the parliament approved the amendments to the new electoral code, which included provisions for diaspora voting and the allocation of mandates. A significant focus centered on the formula employed for candidate lists, which was no longer entirely open; instead, one-third was designated as closed and subject to the discretion of the party leader, thereby exempting it from preferential voting. Furthermore, the new regulations stipulated that one out of every three candidates elected from the open list was required to be a woman, thereby reflecting a commitment to enhancing gender representation within the electoral framework.^[50]

On 7 December 2024, the KQZ approved the allocation of electoral mandates and the creation of 93 electoral administration zones (ZAZ) for the 2025 elections. Municipalities with over 80,000 voters were divided into multiple ZAZs.^[51] The KQZ also finalized the mandate distribution, with Tirana set to elect 37 deputies, while Korça's representation will decrease to 10 due to the loss of one mandate.^[51][52][53]

In preparation for the 2025 elections, the KQZ introduced the PER application to facilitate the registration and voting of Albanian emigrants abroad. This initiative aims to ensure diaspora participation in the electoral process, with registration scheduled from 11 January to 11 March.^[54] To register, emigrants must provide a valid passport and a document verifying their residential address. The PER app, available for download on both mobile devices and computers, will serve as the sole method for voting from abroad. Once registered, emigrants will be removed from the domestic voter list, and by 11 May, a separate list of overseas voters will be finalised.^[54]

Parliamentary parties

As of the electoral code, a parliamentary party is defined as a political organisation that has achieved representation in the parliament by obtaining a minimum of one seat in the most recent electoral contest.^[55] Subsequent to the 2021 parliamentary election, the PS obtained 74 of the 140 seats, emerging as the majority party.^[56][57] The PD–AN secured 59 seats, while LSI acquired 4 seats and the PSD attained 3 seats.^[56]

The table below lists the parties represented in the 31st Kuvendi that was elected in 2021.^[21]

Preceding events

Campaign themes

Main parties' slogans

Observers

The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe deployed 338 officials led by Lamberto Zannier to monitor the election.^[84]

Campaign incidents

International observation

ODIHR's final report characterized the election as competitive and professionally conducted, and noted that the election administration generally managed the process inclusively and transparently. At the same time, it found that contestants did not enjoy a level playing field. According to ODIHR, the ruling Socialist Party benefited from administrative resources during the campaign, which created an undue incumbency advantage; the report also cited pressure on voters, especially public employees, and stated that existing electoral legislation and its narrow interpretation by the election administration did not prevent abusive practices.^[27] The international observation mission's preliminary statement reached a similar conclusion immediately after election day, saying that candidates could mostly campaign freely but that the election was marked by widespread misuse of public resources and institutional power by the ruling party, as well as reports of pressure and intimidation.^[93]

The same report stressed that voting on election day was generally calm and transparent, but that observers noted procedural shortcomings, pressure on voters, cases of intimidation, interference by party observers or affiliates, inducements, allegations of vote buying and a frequent compromise of ballot secrecy because of polling-station layout, overcrowding or interference.^[27] ODIHR also reported that the count was orderly in many places but affected by delays, a chaotic atmosphere in some locations, last-minute changes to counting-team members and disputes over out-of-country ballots from Greece.^[27]

Use of state resources and incumbency advantage

A central criticism of the election concerned the Socialist Party's use of state resources and public office. ODIHR found that the ruling party benefited from widespread use of administrative resources and institutional leverage, which blurred the line between state and party and undermined equal opportunities for contestants.^[27] The final report also noted that public institutions' social-media activity created campaign-related violations, while the CEC's monitoring and enforcement remained limited in scope and effectiveness.^[27]

The issue was reinforced by the structure of public power at the time of the vote. The Socialist Party controlled the national government, held an overwhelming majority of municipalities after the 2023 Albanian local elections, and had governed continuously since 2013. Opposition parties argued that this enabled the party to combine public administration, municipal employment, welfare benefits, permits and informal patronage networks with the campaign. ODIHR did not verify every opposition claim, but it stated that allegations of pressure on public employees and misuse of patronage networks were inconsistent with international standards.^[27]

The 2025 election also followed the partial electoral reform of July 2024, which retained a mixed candidate-list model with a closed-list component. ODIHR reported that several smaller parties argued the system favoured the two largest parties and enabled party leaders to retain significant control over parliamentary representation, partly because of weak internal party democracy.^[27] Smaller and newer parties also argued that the requirement to submit full candidate lists in every district imposed disproportionate organizational burdens, limiting the competitiveness of the contest.^[27]

Pressure, patronage networks and vote buying allegations

Vote buying, patronage and intimidation were among the most frequently raised concerns. ODIHR noted reports of vote buying, attempts to unduly influence vulnerable voters, intimidation of opposition supporters, pressure on public employees, and alleged criminal influence on the election in some areas.^[27] The report also stated that a new coordination mechanism between SPAK, the CEC and the General Prosecutor's Office may have had a deterrent effect, but that some interlocutors questioned the effectiveness of efforts against politically connected organized crime.^[27]

On election day, the Democratic Party accused the Socialist Party of operating an office in Tirana connected to patronage activists and alleged that lists of voters were being used to monitor or influence turnout. Local reporting showed Democratic Party representatives and journalists confronting persons at the site, while police later said no illegal materials had been found and that people from both sides had been escorted for questioning. The case was referred to SPAK. Because most immediate reports on the incident came from party-aligned media, the article treats the episode as an allegation rather than an established finding; however, the broader themes of voter pressure and patronage networks were also recorded by ODIHR.^[27]

Campaign finance and public spending

The ODIHR final report stated that shortcomings in campaign-finance rules affected transparency and equality of opportunity. It noted that key ODIHR recommendations on campaign finance had not been addressed, including the absence of interim reporting, the lack of specific rules on loans, online campaigning and third-party expenditures, and ambiguities about whether candidate spending counted toward party limits.^[27] Although contestants were legally required to publish databases of donations or loans, ODIHR reported that none did so, and that the CEC lacked effective legal instruments to enforce compliance.^[27]

The spending environment became politically sensitive because the election was held shortly after major public-procurement and municipal corruption investigations. Opposition parties alleged that public tenders, infrastructure spending and municipal jobs functioned as indirect campaign tools for the incumbent party. These allegations were not all adjudicated during the campaign, but post-election corruption proceedings against Deputy Prime Minister Belinda Balluku and earlier proceedings involving Tirana mayor Erion Veliaj reinforced the political significance of public-procurement issues during and after the campaign.^[28][30]

Media coverage and information environment

The media environment was another major issue. ODIHR concluded that the independence, diversity and integrity of news content were undermined by non-transparent financing, concentrated ownership, interference in editorial autonomy and political influence. It also reported that the majority of media outlets were perceived to be aligned with the ruling party, and that the Socialist Party and the Democratic Party dominated monitored television news coverage, while unattributed campaign coverage was common and no effective measures were taken against it.^[27]

A separate BIRN Albania monitoring report, based on data from the Audiovisual Media Authority, found that the 2025 campaign coverage on the 18 main central television stations was dominated by the two largest political forces and that smaller parties were marginalized. BIRN wrote that the monitoring revealed persistent imbalances, limited pluralism and the dominance of major political actors.^[94] In news bulletins on the three main private national broadcasters, Top Channel, TV Klan and Vizion Plus, BIRN found that the Socialist Party received 52% of electoral-subject airtime, compared with 44.5% for the Alliance for a Magnificent Albania and less than 4% for all other electoral subjects combined.^[95] On the same three private national broadcasters, BIRN found that Edi Rama dominated individual-actor news coverage with 49.4% of airtime, compared with 42% for Sali Berisha and 7.8% for all other actors.^[95]

The strongest imbalance on some stations was visible in live campaign coverage. BIRN reported that ABC News allocated 73.4% of live campaign-broadcast airtime to the Socialist Party and 26.1% to the Alliance for a Magnificent Albania, with 0.5% for other electoral subjects.^[95] Klan News allocated 54.7% of news-bulletin airtime to the Socialist Party and 44.6% to the Alliance, leaving 0.6% for all other electoral subjects; ABC News allocated 51.4% to the Socialist Party, 47.4% to the Alliance and 1.2% to others.^[95] BIRN also noted that paid political-advertising patterns differed by outlet and that, on Top News, the Socialist Party aired 132.5 minutes of advertisements compared with 4.5 minutes by the Alliance for a Magnificent Albania.^[95]

Digital campaigning and TikTok ban

Digital campaigning was especially important in 2025, particularly for smaller parties that lacked access to major television platforms. The government banned TikTok shortly before the election, arguing that it was necessary to address youth violence and social harm. Opposition parties and some civil-society figures described the ban as censorship and said that it disproportionately harmed challengers who relied on online campaigning. ODIHR did not assess the ban as an electoral crime, but it stated that the government's TikTok ban limited some candidates' campaign opportunities and that no authority had been designated to monitor manipulative online campaign content.^[27]

ODIHR also noted that campaigning on social networks was not regulated, that several contestants disseminated divisive or manipulative content, and that third-party accounts reportedly used coordinated inauthentic behaviour to amplify attacks against the opposition.^[27] These findings were significant because the campaign combined a high-volume online environment with weak oversight, strong polarization and unequal access to traditional broadcast media.

Out-of-country voting and ballots from Greece

The 2025 election was the first Albanian parliamentary election in which citizens abroad were able to vote by post. IFES reported that 3,713,761 voters were registered, including 245,935 voters abroad, while the IPU later recorded 3,713,897 registered voters and 1,664,873 voters overall.^[96][97] ODIHR described the introduction of out-of-country voting as an important milestone and found that the process was generally well managed, while also noting that it was highly challenging because of late legal adoption, ballot-delivery problems and disputes during the count.^[27]

A dispute developed over ballots mailed from Greece. Democratic Party officials alleged irregularities, including claims that some citizens in Greece had not received ballots while large numbers of completed ballots arrived for counting. The CEC briefly suspended or reviewed aspects of the process following opposition complaints, but later resumed counting after CEC chair Ilirjan Celibashi stated that the Democratic Party had not provided proof sufficient to invalidate the ballots. The dispute contributed to the opposition's refusal to recognize the result, but the official result was certified by the election administration and later reflected in international parliamentary databases.^[97]

Nationwide

Tirana

Elbasan

Shkodër

Kukës

Dibër

Lezhë

Fier

Vlorë

Berat

Gjirokastër

Korçë

Durrës

Leadership polling

Seat projections

Results by county

More information County, PS ...

Party vote share by county^[160]

County	PS	PD – ASHM	PSD	NISMA–LSHB	PM	LB	KEA	DZh	Others	Turnout
Berat	60.68% 5	27.25% 2	0.35% 0	7.22% 0	2.14% 0	1.22% 0	0.56% 0	0.07% 0	0.59% 0	39.55%
Dibër	56.67% 3	37.11% 2	2.13% 0	1.60% 0	0.67% 0	0.50% 0	1.06% 0	0.03% 0	0.22% 0	50.10%
Durrës	53.41% 8	37.48% 6	0.26% 0	2.96% 0	2.61% 0	1.27% 0	0.87% 0	0.64% 0	0.50% 0	40.53%
Elbasan	61.42% 10	27.83% 4	2.14% 0	4.12% 0	2.14% 0	1.01% 0	1.59% 0	0.27% 0	0.39% 0	42.13%
Fier	64.35% 12	23.53% 4	1.39% 0	5.08% 0	2.54% 0	1.17% 0	0.67% 0	0.79% 0	0.47% 0	42.03%
Gjirokastër	64.30% 3	27.08% 1	0.91% 0	3.62% 0	1.48% 0	1.36% 0	0.46% 0	0.44% 0	0.36% 0	39.23%
Korcë	55.87% 6	32.63% 4	2.20% 0	4.77% 0	2.15% 0	0.91% 0	0.89% 0	0.19% 0	0.38% 0	40.99%
Kukës	30.39% 1	53.63% 2	13.34% 0	0.88% 0	0.76% 0	0.38% 0	0.24% 0	0.11% 0	0.27% 0	46.15%
Lezhë	43.32% 3	43.41% 4	2.71% 0	6.16% 0	1.21% 0	0.55% 0	2.30% 0	0.12% 0	0.21% 0	41.40%
Shkodër	37.92% 4	40.36% 5	15.77% 2	2.00% 0	1.31% 0	0.62% 0	1.71% 0	0.11% 0	0.20% 0	36.78%
Tiranë	48.29% 19	34.48% 13	3.10% 1	3.47% 1	4.96% 2	2.81% 1	1.89% 0	0.43% 0	0.58% 0	48.85%
Vlorë	60.44% 9	24.49% 3	1.40% 0	5.87% 0	5.01% 0	1.24% 0	0.69% 0	0.33% 0	0.51% 0	31.45%

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Domestic reactions

Sali Berisha, opposition leader and chairman of the Alliance for a Magnificent Albania, refused to recognize the outcome of the election, and called for a protest on 16 May.^[161]

2025–2026 opposition protests

Following the election, the opposition continued to reject the result, with Sali Berisha and the Democratic Party alleging that the vote had been stolen and demanding new elections.^[162] International observers described the election as competitive and professionally managed, but also reported that contestants did not enjoy a level playing field and cited misuse of public resources, pressure on public employees, intimidation and vote-buying concerns.^[163]

The post-election dispute later became part of a broader protest wave against Prime Minister Edi Rama and his government. From November 2025 to May 2026, the Democratic Party and allied opposition groups organized demonstrations in Tirana, demanding Rama's resignation, a technocratic government and new elections. The protests intensified after corruption proceedings involving Deputy Prime Minister Belinda Balluku, which the opposition used to support wider accusations of corruption and state capture.^[164][165]

The post-election protest cycle widened after SPAK's corruption case against Deputy Prime Minister Belinda Balluku. Reuters reported that Balluku was accused of interfering in two construction tenders from 2021 worth more than €200 million and that the case threatened to weaken Albania's EU accession drive because it involved one of Rama's closest allies.^[30] In December 2025, protesters hurled petrol bombs at the government building after prosecutors indicted Balluku and requested parliamentary authorization for her arrest; Balluku denied the accusations and said she would cooperate with the judiciary.^[166] Rama dismissed Balluku in February 2026 after months of public pressure, while Reuters reported that EU officials were closely watching the government's handling of corruption cases.^[31]

Several demonstrations involved clashes between protesters and police. Protesters used Molotov cocktails, fireworks and flares, while police responded in some cases with tear gas and water cannon. In February 2026, violent anti-government protests in Tirana resulted in injuries and arrests, while demonstrators continued to demand Rama's resignation and government accountability over corruption allegations.^[167][168]

International reactions

Rama and the Socialist Party's (PS) victory generated several responses from international dignitaries:

• Azerbaijan – President Ilham Aliyev congratulated Rama on the PS's victory under his leadership and expressed confidence in the further strengthening of friendly ties.^[169]
• France – President Emmanuel Macron congratulated Rama on his victory, stating that France would always stand alongside Albania on the country's European path.^[170]
• Germany – Chancellor Friedrich Merz congratulated Rama on his re-election and looked forward to continuing the co-operation between the two countries and attending the upcoming European Political Community summit in Tirana.^[171]
• Hungary – Prime Minister Viktor Orbán congratulated Rama on a landslide victory and looked forward to the "historic" EPC summit in Tirana.^[172]
• Italy – Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni extended her congratulations to Rama on his and the government's reelection. In addition to the recent strengthening of the two countries' "deep friendship and strategic cooperation", Meloni also noted that work will continue to further consolidate bilateral relations and achieve common goals.^[173]
• Spain – Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez congratulated Rama on the PS's "decisive" victory and noted the Albanian public's overwhelming support for the country's efforts to join the European Union.^[174]
• Croatia – Prime Minister Andrej Plenković congratulated Rama on the election victory and looked forward to strengthening bilateral relations.^[175]
• Ukraine – President Volodymyr Zelenskyy congratulated Rama on the PS's "decisive" victory and further praised the country's commitment to a lasting peace for Ukraine, alongside looking forward to strengthening the two countries' friendly relations.^[176]
• United Arab Emirates – President Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan congratulated Rama on the result of the election and supported expanding collaboration.^[177]
• United Kingdom – Prime Minister Keir Starmer congratulated Rama on his re-election and looked forward to continuing their work together to deliver for working people in both their countries.^[178]

Certification and legal challenges

After the vote, the CEC completed the certification process and the newly elected legislature first convened on 12 September 2025. The Inter-Parliamentary Union recorded that the Socialist Party retained its majority with 83 seats, while the Democratic Party-led Alliance for a Magnificent Albania won 50 seats, the Social Democratic Party won 3, the Opportunity Party won 2, and NISMA–SHB and Lëvizja Bashkë won 1 each.^[97] Niko Peleshi of the Socialist Party was elected Speaker of the new legislature at its first session.^[97]

The Democratic Party rejected the result and filed complaints over alleged irregularities, including claims linked to the out-of-country vote from Greece. The CEC maintained that the opposition had not provided sufficient evidence to invalidate the disputed ballots, while international observers stated that the election was competitive and professionally managed but did not provide contestants with a level playing field.^[27] The gap between certification by election institutions and rejection by the main opposition became a central element of the post-election crisis and later opposition protests.