Rani dialect

The development of Proto-Slavic nasals coincided with that in other Lechitic dialects - the PS *ǫ gave a regular ą̊, e.g. Dansne, Gansilitze, Damerowe, Wanghelin < PS *Dǫsno, *Gǫslicě, *Dǫbrovy, *Ǫglinъ, whereas in the case of PS *ę Lechitic apophony happened and before the hard dental consonants it gave 'ą̊, e.g. Boranta, Swantewostroe, Zvantegurt < PS *Boręta, *Svętъ Ostrovъ, *Svętъ Gordъ, while in the other positions narrow ę̇, e.g. Burrentin, Gnewentin, Uincymir < PS *Borętinъ, *Gněvętinъ, *Vęťemirъ.^[8][9]

Lechitic apophony also shows the development of *ě – before the hard dental consonants it gave *a, e.g. Lascouiz, Peask, Stralowe < PS *Lěsъkovica, *Pěsъkъ, *Strělovo, while in other positions e, e.g. Gnewentin, Pasceke, Tessemar < PS *Gněvętinъ, *Pasěka, *Těšimirъ.^[10][11]

Proto-Slavic *e before originally palatalized consonants narrows to ė, transcribed alternately by ⟨e⟩, ⟨i⟩ and ⟨y⟩, e.g. Bizdede, Kaminise, Mellnitz < PS *Bezdědьje, *Kamenišče, *Melьnica, while in other positions it gives an e, e.g. Brese, Gribenow, Jesere < PS *Berza, *Grebenovъ, *Jezero.^[12][13] The narrowing of *e to ė or i before originally palatal consonants ties the Rani dialect to the Drevani area.^[12] No Lechitic apophony *e > ’o.

The Proto-Slavic *o probably developed into the narrow ȯ, denoted in writing ⟨o⟩, ⟨u⟩ or ⟨uo⟩, e.g. Burizlaws, Dobrezlauus, Ulznica < PS *Borislavъ, *Dobroslavъ, *Olьšanica.^[14] In addition, *o underwent reduction to a reduced vowel of the type ə under certain hard-to-define conditions, e.g. Debermoyzle, Luberadus < PS *Dobromyslъ, *Ľuboradъ.^[12] Especially often this reduction occurs in the auslaut, e.g. Bucowe, Belicowe, Jarcuowe < PS *Bukovo, *Bělikovo, *Jarъkovo,^[15] although there are also forms without this reduction, such as. Slaweko < PS *Slavъko.^[16] The anlaut *o- tends to take on a prosthetic v- (*o- > u̯o- > vo-), e.g. Wastroznae, Wobluzs, Swantewostroe < PS *Ostrožьn-, *Obľuže, *Svętъ Ostrovъ,^[17] which connects the Rani dialect to all of Polabie, Pomerania, Lusatia, Greater Poland and Bohemia.

Proto-Slavic *a as a rule gave a, e.g. Babyn, Camenez, Graboue < PS *Babinъ, *Kamenьcь, *Grabovo.^[16][17] However, it developed differently in the *ra- group, where it gave re-, e.g. Redomer, Retim < PS *Radoměrъ, *Radimь^[16] next to the rarer ra- such as Radozlaus < PS *Radoslavъ^[18] and perhaps in the *ja- group, where the records are ambiguous, since, for example, next to Jerognew there is Jargneu < PS *Jarogněvъ.^[16] In addition, in the auslaut *a was reduced, e.g.. Ghore, Lopate, Plachte < PS *gora, *lopata, *plaxъta.^[18]

The Proto-Slavic *u gives a constant u, e.g. Bucowe, Lubbin, Zulizlaus < PS *Bukovo, *Ľubinъ, *Sulislavъ,^[19][18] except for the position before the nasal consonants m and n, where it seems to give o, e.g. Peron (next to Pyrun, Perun), Stromineke < PS *Perunъ, *Strumenьky.^[20]

The Proto-Slavic *i generally gave i, e.g. Babyn, Bandin, Gardist < PS *Babinъ, *Bǫdinъ, *Gordišče.^[19][18] In the position before *r, however, it must have been raised to e or a, as evidenced by notations like Jaromerus, Moyzlemer, Seracowe < PS *Jaromirъ, *Myslimirъ, *Sirakovo.^[18]

The Proto-Slavic *y essentially gave y, e.g. Bitgast, Bykove, Pribislaus < PS *Bydъgoščь, *Bykovo, *Pribyslavъ, with a strong tendency to diphthongize to oi in the position after labial consonants, e.g. Moyslekov, Moyzlemer, Woyzlaus < PS *Myslikovъ, *Myslimirъ, Vyslavъ.^[19][21] In addition, *y was reduced to ə in some positions, such as. Damerowe, Lepelowe < PS *Dǫbrovy, *Lěpylovy.^[19]

Yers in weak position disappeared,^[19][22] while in the strong position *ь gave e, e.g. Camenez, Coretz, Kozel < PS *Kamenьcь, *Korьcь, *Kozьlъ, and *ъ most likely gave o, for which there is only one example: Cirkow < PS *Cŕ̥kъvь.^[22]

Proto-Slavic group *TorT switches to TarT almost without exceptions, np. Barnim, Charna, Gartz < PS *Bornimъ, *Xorna, *Gordьcь.^[19][23] The *TolT group usually switches to TloT, e.g. Glowe, Glowenitza, Slonitze < PS *Golvy, *Golvьnica, *Solnicě, although there are examples for TolT, e.g. Soldekewitze < PS *Soldъkoviťě.^[24] The *TerT group generally gives TreT, sometimes written ⟨TriT⟩ np. Breghe, Bresnitz, Brisanche < PS *Bergy, *Berzьnica, *Beržanъky, exceptional TerT is only the Zerbentin < PS *Žerbętinъ.^[24] No examples for *TelT.^[24]

The Proto-Slavic *r̥ (*ъr) constantly gives ar, e.g. Carnin, Garnzke < PS *Kr̥ninъ, *Gr̥nьčьky.^[24] In the case of *ŕ̥ (*ьr) there was a Lechitic apophony to ar before the hard dental consonants, e.g. Bardeke, Zarnegloue < PS *Bŕ̥dъko, *Čŕ̥na Glova, while in the other positions *ŕ̥ gives er (also noted as ⟨ir⟩), e.g. Cerwitze, Cirkow, Sirkuist < PS *Čŕ̥vicě, *Cŕ̥kъvь, *Cŕ̥kъvišče.^[25][26] Proto-Slavic *l̥ and *ĺ̥ (*ъl and *ьl) merged to give ol, e.g. Dolgemost, Puzdevolk, Stolpzk < PS *Dl̥gъ Mostъ, *Pustivĺ̥kъ, *Stl̥pьskъ.^[25][27]

Primary palatal consonants have dyspalatalized, except when followed by back vowels. This palatalization is noted in records such as Borjanta, Liazcha, Pyazcke, Zwinga < PS *Boręta, *Lěska, *Pěsъky, *Svinьja.^[27] This links the Rani dialect with the Drevani dialect.^[25][7]

Proto-Slavic *ť and *ď (< *t-j, *k-t; *d-j) gave c and ʒ, respectively, e.g. Swetzenowitz, Blandzawicz < PS *Svěťenoviťь, *Blǫďaviťь, with the latter phoneme tending to transition into z, e.g. Miseres < PS *Meďerěčь.^[28]

The Proto-Slavic group *šč has passed into st, e.g. Gardist, Stiaplin < PS *Gordišče, *Ščapъlinъ.^[29]

Written monuments lack the distinction of the series s, c, z from š, č, ž, which most likely indicates the mazuration of the Rugian dialect.^[29]

• Batowski, Henryk (1927). "Przyczynki do narzecza lechicko-rugijskiego". Slavia Occidentalis (in Polish). VI: 259–275.
• Łęgowski, Józef; Lehr-Spławiński, Tadeusz (1922). "Szczątki języka dawnych słowiańskich mieszkańców wyspy Rugji". Slavia Occidentalis (in Polish). II: 114–136.
• Lehr-Spławiński, Tadeusz (1934). O narzeczach Słowian nadbałtyckich (in Polish). Toruń.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
• Milewski, Tadeusz (1930). "Pierwotne nazwy wyspy Rugji i słowiańskich jej mieszkańców". Slavia Occidentalis (in Polish). IX: 292–306.