Religion in Circassia

Holy places (groves and trees)

Numerous accounts from Western writers beginning in the 17th century firmly document the Circassians' deep veneration of sacred groves. Among them, the Dominican missionary Giovanni Luca (1637) described these sacred spaces, locally known as *kudoshi*, where weapons and the heads of sacrificed rams were hung prominently from branches. Later, the diplomat Claude-Charles de Peyssonnel (1787) documented a sacred tree named panjassan located "in the center of Circassia," noting that the local population held a reverence for it that bordered on idolatry. The consul and traveler Taitbout de Marigny corroborated this widespread veneration of groves, observing that during internal community feuds, a dissatisfied faction could choose to secede and establish an independent sacred grove of their own. Conversely, during inter-communal warfare, attackers occasionally desecrated their opponents' shrines despite sharing identical spiritual beliefs. Similarly, the English diplomat James Stanislaus Bell (1840) encountered revered trees and groves throughout the Pshada and Dzhubga river valleys; visitors regularly adorned these branches with fabric rags, both as religious offerings and as symbolic rituals to transfer and bind the illnesses of those seeking healing to the trees.

A highly detailed record is preserved in the 1724 text, Description of Circassia, compiled by Xaverio Glavani, French consul in the Crimea and first physician to the Khan, in Bakhchisarai, January 20, 1724:^[19]

"Each district of Circassia has a special sacred place, usually located in the forest, where the object of worship is a large tree. The Circassians call such a tree "penekassan." They perform their prayers before it. The dying leave a sabre, a gun, and clothing to the penekassan. These objects are ceremoniously carried there and hung on the trees, so that over time the forest becomes filled with all manner of weapons, clothing, and other items. But no one dares touch them. The dead are buried in this forest, and rituals are performed. If men and women who have committed a crime hide in the "penekassan" forest and tie a piece of cloth from among those hanging on the trees around their necks, they are exempt from punishment, as they are under the protection of a deity. It has been known for Turks enslaved by the Circassians to gain their freedom by placing themselves under the protection of the "penekassan." It should be noted, however, that slaves and criminals enjoy a certain freedom and immunity only as long as the piece of cloth they tied around their necks remains. The slaves, without waiting for the bandage to completely fall apart from wear and tear, having gained their freedom, hasten to leave the region."

These foreign accounts align precisely with observations made by Russian ethnographers from the 1860s onward. For instance, the Natukhai tribe, one of the primary Circassian subdivisions that were deported to the Ottoman Empire following the conclusion of the Caucasian War in 1864, held the ancient groves of the Baku Gorge (a tributary of the Adagum River) in exceptionally high esteem. Tribal customary law strictly forbade the removal of a single branch, leaf, or any weapon or item suspended from the canopy.^[19]

In the Pshada River valley, the Natukhais similarly venerated a massive tree that had once been struck by lightning. This site was widely believed to possess miraculous powers to cure fevers. Afflicted individuals traveled to the tree with ritual offerings—primarily traditional pies—which were immediately consumed by the companions accompanying the sick. Before departing, a small splinter or piece of bark from the tree was sewn into a cloth pouch and placed permanently around the patient's neck as an amulet, while the remaining fabric was tied to the branches as a reciprocal offering, leaving the entire tree festooned with cloth.^[19]

The archives of the Krasnodar Regional Museum include historical collections of bark and wood fragments gathered from lightning-struck trees. These remnants were traditionally utilized in rainmaking rituals during severe droughts and for medicinal purposes. Patients wore them on their backs to alleviate illness and, upon recovery, returned to hang symbolic scraps of fabric on the specific lightning-scarred tree. Far from being a distant antiquity, this practice persisted among the lowland Circassian communities well into the late 19th century.

In the Adyheko tract along the Ilbzhi River (a right tributary of the Afips, located within the territory of the Greater Shapsugs), the local population maintained a *tkha-chig* (god's tree), a sacred grove composed of centuries-old lindens and plane trees known as *tkhamakha* ("dedicated to God"). This historical sanctuary was systematically destroyed by Imperial Russian troops in 1863 during the construction of a military redoubt. In earlier eras, the Shapsugs gathered here to offer sacrifices, recite communal prayers, and hang weapons on the ancient trees, all of which were deemed strictly inviolable. Shapsug tradition warned that sacrilegious individuals and their kin would face divine retribution, catastrophic misfortune, or even total tribal annihilation if the grove were desecrated. These assemblies sought the deity's favor in military campaigns, expressed gratitude for victories, and petitioned for the recovery of the sick.^[19]

According to the historian Semyon Dubrovin, the Circassians conducted these rites through animal sacrifices and libations without utilizing formal churches, specialized prayer houses, or constructed altars. Instead, these untouched sacred groves served as natural temples. The local population maintained an absolute belief in the miraculous and protective properties of these woodlands. The Dzhemplokh forest, situated between the Belaya and Pshekha rivers—a region inhabited by the Abadzekhs and Mamkheghs—was dedicated exclusively to the deity of abundance, where a white heifer was sacrificed annually. In 1841, when Russian General Grigory Zass launched a military raid into this territory, his forces engaged in a heated battle within the Dzhemplokh forest, during which Zass was wounded. The Circassians widely interpreted this injury as a direct divine punishment against the general for daring to violate their sacred grove.^[19]

Dubrovin also detailed the precise structural layout and ritual procedure of these prayer sites. A rustic altar, marked by a roughly fashioned wooden cross, was typically erected beneath the canopy of a prominent oak tree. Specific family lineages congered at these sites to invoke the supreme deity, Thashkho. Each valley contained multiple sacred groves, with a designated cluster of families assigned to each, effectively forming a localized grove parish, or *tgakhap*. A respected elder was elected to serve as a lifelong priest (*shkhuako*). During religious festivals, the priest secured the cross against the trunk, surrounded and illuminated it with candles, and performed ritual purifications. Donning a traditional burka and removing his hat, he knelt to recite specific prayers tailored to the occasion—usually petitioning for a bountiful harvest, timely rain, or deliverance from epidemics. Following the invocation, the priest took a candle from the cross, rubbed wax onto the forehead of the sacrificial animal (a goat, ram, or bull), poured a libation of *buza* (a traditional fermented grain beverage) over its head, and performed the slaughter. The priest then raised a cup of *buza* and a ritual flatbread toward the heavens in prayer before presenting them to the eldest assembly member, who passed them through the crowd. The congregation then encircled the sacred tree three times. The animal's head was mounted on a ritual pole, the hide was gifted to the priest, and the meat was prepared for a communal feast. While the food cooked, elders joined hands to perform traditional ritual dances to ancient melodies, later joined by the youth. Once prepared, the senior men dined together while the younger men served them, and the women and girls feasted collectively at a respectful distance.^[19]

The Abadzekh community preserved distinct memories of these pre-Islamic practices centered around their traditional patron deity, Akhyn. Sacrifices were performed at revered oak trees, where a sacred cow was slaughtered following an invocation by the elders, after which the meat was distributed among the community. In 1902, an ethnographer recorded a local account of an elderly man who informed his adult sons, "You may practice your religion (Islam), but I will pray according to the customs of our ancestors." The elder then retreated into the forest to an isolated oak tree, surrounded by accumulated white sacrificial bones, where he engaged in prolonged prayer.

Vestiges of tree and grove veneration have survived among the Circassians into modern times. In the summer of 1929, Professor B. Sokolov documented active traditions within the Shapsug coastal villages near Krasno-Aleksandrovsky (Legotkh). His research confirmed that despite a general institutional decline, these ancient rituals remained localized. The village maintained sacred oaks known as *thakhoch* ("under God"). During a contemporary anti-religious campaign, local Komsomol activists severed the root system of one prominent sacred oak, causing the ancient tree to wither.^[19]

Lightning worship (Shible)

The cult of Shible, the Circassian deity associated with lightning and thunder, survived among several Circassian groups well into the modern period.^[19] Sacred trees struck by lightning were regarded as holy places and often became sites of veneration, sacrifice, and prayer. In many cases, a revered grove originated from a tree that had been struck by lightning.^[19]

Individuals killed by lightning were considered blessed or specially chosen. Elaborate rituals were performed in their honor, while livestock killed by lightning were commemorated through ceremonies comparable to those recorded among the Abkhazians.^[19]

The ethnographer L. Lulier, who witnessed such a ceremony among the Western Circassians in 1862, described a ritual conducted over three goats struck by lightning:

"A circle formed around the goats, and the usual dance began, accompanied by a chant in which the words 'Shible and Yaliy (Ilya)' were frequently repeated. Meanwhile, several men went into the forest, cut poles and stakes, and constructed a fairly high platform on four posts. They laid the goats on it and covered them with leaves. The platform is made high to protect the goats' carcasses from predatory animals. While some were constructing the platform, others had managed to go to the village and bring back various provisions, including several live goats. These were immediately sacrificed, with a libation ceremony, and their heads were placed on tall poles driven into the ground near the platform. This entire procedure is called shiblasha. No one touches the platform, the stakes, or the goats, and everything is left until it completely collapses and decomposes. While the food was being prepared and the pasta (a thick millet porridge) that serves as a substitute for bread was boiling, the young people of both sexes danced enthusiastically; gaiety and spirit were universal. When everything was ready, we were fed and only then sent on our way."

Celebrations connected with animals killed by lightning lasted three days, while ceremonies for people struck by lightning continued for seven days.^[19]

Important evidence for the persistence of the cult was recorded among the Shapsugs of the Black Sea coast in 1929 by Professor B. Sokolov. During periods of drought, members of the community would visit the grave of a person who had been killed by lightning. Trees growing around such graves were regarded as sacred. Participants joined hands and danced barefoot around the grave while chanting "o ele". The ceremony was repeated several times until the participants began to sweat. A relative of the deceased then raised a loaf of bread and appealed to the dead person to intercede on behalf of the community and bring rain.^[19]

Afterwards, a stone was taken from the grave and carried to a river. The stone was tied to a tree and submerged in the water. Participants then entered the river fully clothed. According to local belief, these actions would bring rain. The stone was carefully secured to prevent it from being carried away by the current, as excessive rainfall could lead to flooding. A guard remained at the site, and after three days the stone was removed and returned to the grave in a ceremonial procession. This ritual combined elements of ancestor veneration, sacred-tree worship, and the cult of Shible.^[19]

Although the lightning cult largely disappeared among the Kabardians, memories of it survived in oral tradition. Elderly informants recalled that special songs were sung during thunderstorms, including the phrase "Ele-ele, eleri shopa", whose meaning had already been forgotten. One Kabardian folktale recounts how the hero Khimysh leapt from a table with such force that people outside believed lightning had struck the house and began chanting ritual invocations associated with the lightning deity.^[19]

Among the so-called Mozdok Circassians, descendants of Kabardians who settled near Mozdok during the reign of Catherine the Great, traces of the cult also survived. When lightning struck a particular place, milk or milk soup with noodles was poured onto the site, flatbreads were prepared, food was distributed among those present, money was given away, and ritual dances accompanied by songs such as "Elely Shopa" were performed. In some instances, milk was also poured into wells as part of the ceremony.^[19]

Rainmaking

Several traditional rainmaking rituals were recorded among the Circassians. In addition to the ceremony involving a stone taken from the grave of a person struck by lightning, the Black Sea Shapsugs practiced rituals involving the bathing of a Hatsəguashə and the dragging of an animal skin along the ground to invoke rain during severe droughts.^[19]

The Hatsəguashə was a ritual doll made from a wooden shovel dressed in women's clothing. During periods of drought, women and girls carried the doll to a river and threw it into the water. Along the route, people from each household attempted to splash both the doll and its bearers with water. Participants often entered homes, seized those they encountered, and dragged them to the river before throwing them into the water. After the ritual concluded, the doll was stripped of its clothing, dismantled, and discarded. Similar practices were formerly recorded among the Kabardians.^[19]

Despite opposition from local mullahs, who condemned the custom as contrary to Islam, the ritual continued to be performed into the twentieth century. In August 1929, women of the Shapsug village of Krasno-Aleksandrovsky revived the ceremony in an attempt to end a drought.^[19]

Another rainmaking ritual involved dragging an animal skin across the ground. Unlike the Hatsəguashə ceremony, this practice enjoyed the support of local Islamic clergy. A mullah typically led the procession, followed by two men dragging the skin. Every hundred paces the procession halted while prayers were recited. Similar customs were also recorded among the Kabardians of Greater Kabarda.^[19]

Worship of iron (Tlepsh)

Tlepsh was the patron deity of blacksmiths and the divine guardian of iron, weapons, and metalworking. His cult closely resembled that of Shasha among the Abkhazians.^[19]

According to tradition, Tlepsh himself was a master blacksmith capable of forging swords strong enough to cut iron. His grave, reportedly covered with iron filings, was shown in the Guchishche-Govashkh forest. Oaths were sworn in his name, and on feast days worshippers offered prayers and libations over axes, ploughshares, and other iron tools. Ritual observances were followed by communal feasting and marksmanship competitions.^[19]

Tlepsh was particularly invoked as a healer of wounds and broken bones. According to descriptions recorded by N. Dubrovin, an injured person was placed in a specially prepared room where iron objects such as ploughshares and hammers were positioned beside the bed. Visitors entering the room were expected to strike the iron three times with a hammer and lightly sprinkle the patient with water while wishing for recovery. Those who had committed crimes often avoided participating in these rituals.^[19]

The treatment of the wounded was accompanied by large nightly gatherings attended by relatives, neighbours, and visitors from surrounding villages. The primary objective was to keep the patient awake. Various games, dances, and entertainments were organised, including the popular "hand-slapping" game. The gatherings also served an important social function, strengthening communal bonds and demonstrating collective support for the injured person.^[19]

Ethnographic accounts from the Adyghe Autonomous Region recorded similar practices during the twentieth century. During the summer months, the patient's bed was moved into the courtyard, where men and women gathered in separate groups according to traditional etiquette. Violations of social rules were punished through mock trials and humorous penalties. Musical performances, circle dances, and competitive games formed an important part of the proceedings.^[19]

Professor B. Sokolov documented comparable gatherings among the Shapsugs, where participants sometimes wore comic masks fashioned from sheepskin and pumpkins. Several examples of these masks were later deposited in ethnographic museum collections.^[19]

Among the Kabardians, visitors attending such gatherings were known as shapshako ("those who come to visit"). An iron implement called a vabze was placed at the threshold of the patient's room and remained there until recovery. The festivities included dances, games, storytelling, humorous performances, and masked disguises. Young men frequently competed in displays of wit, jokes, and playful social interaction.^[19]

Kabardians also preserved the custom of marking with an iron object the place where an accident had occurred, such as a fall from a horse or a serious injury. In some regions, visitors entering a chapsh gathering would greet the patient by saying: "You are Tlepsh's guest." These practices illustrate the enduring symbolic association between iron, healing, protection, and the divine patronage of Tlepsh.^[19]

Orthodoxy

The ancestral religious landscape of the Circassians also retains distinct historical layers of Christianity, encompassing both the Eastern Orthodoxy propagated by the Byzantine Empire and the Catholicism introduced by Genoese merchants. This syncretic heritage is evidenced by traditional hymns honoring the Virgin Mary, the etymology of calendar days, localized religious terminology, the widespread veneration of the cross, the recurrence of stone crosses on late medieval graves, and the remnants of historic Christian chapels. Archaeological excavations corroborate this influence through the discovery of pectoral crosses and religious icons within local burials. However, these Christian traditions were deeply intertwined with older indigenous practices, as graves consistently yield complex funerary goods strictly forbidden by standard Christian dogma. Consequently, the Circassians adopted Christianity in a largely formal and superficial manner, maintaining their traditional customary laws as their primary ethical framework. This localized fusion of Christian and polytheistic thought persisted among the Adyghe populations until the early 17th century.^[18] Following the retreat of Greek and Italian geopolitical influence from the northwestern Caucasus, the institutional foundations of the Christian faith eroded. Lacking external ecclesiastical support, it dissolved into a complex conglomerate of polytheistic and Christian concepts, folk rituals, and traditional superstitions. Notable practices included scapulimancy—utilizing a ram's shoulder blade to divine future harvests, weather patterns, military conflicts, natural disasters, and seasonal prosperity—alongside divination using beans performed by women, and a deep-seated belief in shape-shifting witches known as the uddi.^[18]

It is a traditional account of the early church that Christianity made its first appearance in Circassia during the 1st century AD through the apostolic travels and preaching of Saint Andrew.^[38][5] The earliest written narratives tracking Andrew's missionary work in the region date to the early 3rd century, including a notable account by Saint Hippolytus, Bishop of Portusenus. Church tradition holds that Andrew, accompanied by Simon the Zealot, first crossed into Circassian territory from Sevastopol in Abkhazia (modern-day Sukhumi). While Andrew left Simon behind to continue his mission in Abkhazia, he personally advanced into Zichia; according to these records, the local Zikhs initially intended to put Andrew to death, but upon witnessing his absolute poverty, meekness, and strict asceticism, they abandoned their plans. Andrew subsequently departed the region for the Crimean Peninsula.^[39] Simon the Zealot sustained his apostolic labor within Abkhazia until he was martyred by the Zikhs and interred at the diocesan center of Nicopsis, an area believed to correspond with the modern village of Novomikhailovskaya, around 55 AD.^[40]

More concrete historical markers establishing the broader spread of Christianity across the Northwest Caucasus, the Taman Peninsula, and Crimea appear by the early 4th century. An early Christian tombstone dated to 304 was excavated in Kerch, and records show that Cadmus, the Bosporan Bishop, personally attended the First Council of Nicaea in 324. Early medieval traditions assert that Zichia, Abazgia, and the Alanian territories in the upper reaches of the Kuban River served as remote zones of exile for Roman Christians during the imperial persecutions at the turn of the 3rd and 4th centuries. These exiled communities became some of the earliest active Christian proselytizers in the North Caucasus, working alongside missionary networks dispatched from Transcaucasia.^[41]

Despite early traditions, verified historical records indicate that Christianity systematically took root throughout Circassia between the 3rd and 5th centuries AD primarily through Greek and Byzantine political and cultural influence.^[2][3][4] The Byzantine Empire regularly deployed large cohorts of clergy to Circassian lands to solidify strategic alliances.^[42] Under the reign of Emperor Justinian I (527–565), Byzantine hegemony expanded drastically across Italy, North Africa, and Transcaucasia. The 19th-century Circassian historian Shora Nogmov recorded this regional memory:^[39]

"According to the legends of the highlanders, Justin or Yustuk [Justinian] was an ally of the Adyghe people and even called himself an Adyghe prince. He made efforts to convert the Adyghe to Christianity... A priest is called a shogen, a bishop — a shekhnik... The Christian faith flourished in the Caucasus Mountains, supported by the Greek clergy, who replaced the departed by sending new bishops and priests."

Historical analyses, such as those by E. S. Zevakin in Essays on the History of Adygea, conclude that medieval Zichia maintained four distinct ecclesiastical dioceses:^[39]

• Phanagoria
• Zikhopolis
• Matrah (located on the modern Taman Peninsula)
• Nicopsis (situated near modern-day Sukhumi)

In 858, Byzantine Emperor Michael III dispatched the renowned missionaries Cyril and Methodius to the Khazar Khaganate, which then exercised suzerainty over lands including Circassia. Throughout their journey, the brothers actively preached the Gospel, anchoring the Diocese of Circassia and the Central Caucasus and overseeing the construction of a fully functioning church and liturgical center in the city of Majar. However, the Khazar Khaganate's subsequent official adoption of Judaism stifled the formal, state-backed spread of Christianity further eastward. Around this period, the Ziyang Diocese is first documented in historical records, notable for maintaining its own Patriarchate and local priesthood. Operating under the ultimate jurisdiction of Constantinople, it functioned with a high degree of administrative autonomy and remained notably free from the theological disruptions of Byzantine Iconoclasm.^[40]

While a consensus of researchers traces the arrival of Christianity among the Adyghe directly to Byzantium, peripheral missionary lines also entered via Georgia and Kievan Rus'.^[41]

Between the 10th and late 11th centuries, the expanding dioceses of Tamartakha (Taman) and Zikhia merged into a unified see centered on Taman. This era coincided with the military campaigns of Grand Prince Svyatoslav the Brave against the Khazars. Following the collapse of the Khaganate, Svyatoslav marched back along the Kuban River and established the Tmutarakan Eastern Slavic principality on the Taman Peninsula, which consolidated further following Vladimir the Great's campaigns against Korsun (Chersonesos). This brought an ancient Russian principality directly into contact with Circassia for nearly a century. However, the Russian Orthodox Church did not absorb the local see, and the diocese did not report to Kyiv. Following the arrival of Nikon the Great in Tmutarakan, who oversaw the construction of the principality's primary stone church, the see became known simply as the Tmutarakan Diocese while remaining under the ecclesiastical authority of Constantinople. Nikon stood as the sole recorded Russian missionary active in the medieval North Caucasus. In the late 11th century, under Byzantine Emperor Alexios I Komnenos and Patriarch Eustratius, the regional administration was re-divided into separate Zikhian and Abazgian dioceses, placing the Ziyang center at Nicopsis and the Tamartakhian center at Tmutarakan.^[40]

According to medieval Georgian chronicles, the Sixth Ecumenical Council (680–691) theoretically incorporated the Adyghe territories into the jurisdiction of the Mtskheta (Georgian) Patriarchate. On this basis, historian N. T. Mikhailov suggested that before the formal 10th-century establishment of the Alanian bishopric, Circassia maintained a loose ecclesiastical dependence on Georgia.^[41] As the political and military fortunes of the Kingdom of Georgia ascended in the 12th century, Christian practice expanded substantially across Circassia.^[43] Numerous stone churches were constructed under Georgian architectural influence, particularly within southern Circassian communities, though the vast majority were ruined over the centuries.^[42] The faith integrated most deeply within the sedentary, coastal Circassian populations.^[44] During the early 13th century, western Circassia and Abkhazia were brought into the geopolitical orbit of Queen Tamar of Georgia, leading to partial re-Christianization efforts. This phase marked the absolute zenith of Georgian political and cultural hegemony across the Caucasus. Georgian historiography routinely referred to this western Circassian realm as *Djiketia* (derived from *Zichia*). While this era left architectural ruins and deep cultural exchanges that lingered long after direct Georgian political authority waned, the faith's deeper theological penetration remained limited.^[45]

The geopolitical landscape fractured severely following an invasion of Circassia by the Mongol commander Temnik-Nogai in 1277. The destruction shattered regular communication lines between the Abaza-Zikhian dioceses. In response to this isolation, the Zikhian and Matarkhian sees formally merged into a single, elevated metropolitan see. By 1318, this jurisdiction was formally recognized as the independent Metropolitanate of Zikhia and Matarkh. The last surviving historical mention of this Orthodox see occurs in 1396 during the administration of Metropolitan Joseph. While liturgical services were occasionally rendered in local languages—with eyewitnesses noting instruction given in the Yass and Zikh tongues—Christianity never fully displaced indigenous social structures, particularly within the interior highlands. Writing as early as the 9th century, the monk Epiphanius observed that the Zikhs "did not even half believe."^[40]

By the turn of the 16th century, the ethnographer and traveler Giorgio Interiano observed the highly fragmented, nominal state of the region's aristocratic Christianity:^[40]

"Noble Circassians do not attend church until old age, limiting themselves to a prayer at the entrance, because they live by plunder and consider attending church a sin. Toward the end of their lives, they abandon plundering and only then begin attending church. He also mentions that priests serve in Greek, sometimes not understanding the language."

During this period, Jesus was considered not a central figure of God, but rather an entity added to the pantheon of deities. The chief deity was still Thashkho. The most significant change Christianity brought to the Circassian belief system was the physical representation of God through icons (Adyghe: Тхьэнапэ). These icons included the Mother of God (Adyghe: Тхьэнанэ) and the Holy Spirit (Adyghe: Тхьэм ипсэ). The Circassians called Christianity "Chelehstan" (Чэлэхьстэн) or "Chiristan" (Чыристэн[ыгъэ]) Christmas "Khurome" (Хъуромэ), Easter "Utizh" (ӏутӏыжь), priests "Shodjen" (Adyghe: Шэуджэн, Kabardian: Щоджэн) and pastors "Shekhnik." Religious ceremonies and prayers were conducted in Greek.^[7] Furthermore, Elijah was held in high esteem, called "Yele" (Елэ), and associated with the lightning god Shible.^[36][46]

Johannes Schiltberger wrote:^[47]

...There were Christian communities of Greek faith in Circassian lands. These people prayed in accordance with Greek religious traditions, invoking God in Yass (Alan) and Zikh (Circassian) languages.

For the Circassians, the most influential and revered figure in Christianity was St. George (Adyghe: Аушыджэр). Zikhia (Circassia) held a significant place in the Orthodox world. The region housed four ancient bishoprics:^[48][49][50] Sinopoli, Phanagoria (Matrega), Nicopsis, and Tmutarakan. Towards the end of the 13th century, the Diocese of Zichia was elevated to metropolitan status. From 1318 onward, sources mention an independent Zichia metropolis known as "Zicho-Matarch." According to Priest Ricasdus, the Circassians considered themselves Orthodox Christians and used Greek as their written language.^[5] Giorgio Interiano, who visited the region in the 16th century, described the Circassian beliefs as follows:^[42][51]

They call themselves Christians, and there are Greek clergy among them. However, they only baptize their children when they reach the age of eight. As is their custom, the clergy only sprinkle holy water on these children and recite a short prayer.

A new phase of Orthodox Christian influence began in Circassia when the Besleney, Zhaney, Abazinia, and Kabardians dispatched diplomatic embassies to Moscow in 1552, 1557, and 1558.^[52]

Russian–Kabardian ties were significantly strengthened in August 1561 following the marriage of Tsar Ivan IV to Maria Temryukovna, the daughter of the Kabardian Grand Prince Temruqo Idar. This dynastic marriage held profound geopolitical significance for both Kabardia and the Tsardom of Russia, serving as a foundational element in weakening the strategic position of the Crimean Khanate within the North Caucasus region.^[52]

The union between Maria Temryukovna and the Russian monarch prompted the conversion of several high-ranking Kabardian princes to Orthodoxy, an ideological shift that notably did not interrupt their close political and familial relations with their Muslim and polytheistic relatives. The baptism of these Kabardian, Circassian, Nogai, and other regional princes was celebrated with great solemnity in Moscow and other prominent Russian cities. As the 19th-century historian Nikolay Karamzin observed:^[52]

"The faith... implanted between the Black and Caspian Seas in the most ancient times of the Byzantine Empire has not yet completely died out in these lands; its dark traditions and some rituals remain... the princes baptized their children in Moscow, entrusting them to the Tsar for upbringing—some were baptized themselves."

Among the baptized was Saltankul, the younger son of the Grand Prince of Kabardia, Temruqo Idar. In 1558, Saltankul arrived in the Tsardom of Russia alongside his elder brother Ulgairuk, where, by the directive of their father, he accepted Orthodox baptism and was granted the status of a hereditary service prince. Tsar Ivan the Terrible personally oversaw his conversion, assigning him the Christian name Mikhail and ordering that he be formally educated in reading and writing.^[53]

This military and political alliance, formally concluded in 1557 on behalf of Supreme Prince Temruqo, initiated a period of sustained bilateral relations and gradual cultural rapprochement. Following the dynastic marriage of 1561, representatives of the Kabardian feudal aristocracy increasingly assumed vital intermediary roles in managing diplomacy between the Russian state and the diverse ethnic groups of the North Caucasus.

Among these noble houses, the Cherkassky princely family—consisting of the direct descendants and political allies of Temruqo—emerged as a dominant force in consolidating these ties. From the mid-16th century onward, members of this lineage integrated fully into the administrative, diplomatic, and military architecture of the Russian state, maintaining an influential presence that extended well into the imperial era.^[54]

Temruqo's descendants and their regional factions remained permanently aligned with Moscow, establishing the Cherkassky dynasty as an elite fixture within the Russian nobility. Despite the geographical distance and fluid loyalties of the broader Caucasus, Kabardian cavalry units tied to this alliance participated actively in Russia's major military campaigns. Beginning with the Livonian War, these elite North Caucasian contingents deployed alongside Russian forces in numerous conflicts in the decades following Temruqo's death, cementing a long-term military dimension to the regional alliance.^[52]

Catholicism

The first Catholic missionaries came to Caucasus in the 12th century. With the Sack of Constantinople, the spread of the Catholic faith in the region accelerated. During this period, Catholicism became particularly influential in the coastal regions of Circassia; the Circassian prince Ferzakht even became Catholic. The Pope sent him a letter of thanks in 1333 for his efforts.^[5][55]

By the mid-13th century, the Tmutarakan Principality collapsed entirely, and its territories reverted to Byzantine control alongside the shifting administration of the Church. Roman Catholic missionaries capitalized on this fluid landscape, entering Circassia in 1237; the Dominican friar Julian documented early accounts of local syncretic rituals. Following the Fourth Crusade and the sack of Constantinople, Catholic maritime powers aggressively penetrated the Taman region, and the growth of Genoese colonies fundamentally shifted the regional balance of power. Operating from their primary Crimean emporium at Kaffa, Genoese Franciscan and Dominican friars traveled regularly into Circassia. The Adyghe nobility welcomed the missionary Luka and permitted the establishment of permanent Catholic stations; many aristocrats embraced the faith primarily to cement political alliances and secure lucrative commercial monopolies. In 1346, the Franciscan friar John was consecrated as the first Catholic Bishop of Zichia, managing an extensive diocese spanning parts of Crimea and the Circassian coast. Taken as a slave to Genoa, John of Zichia converted to Catholicism there and joined the Franciscan Order, then returned to his homeland and engaged in missionary activities. In 1349 John of Zichia was appointed Archbishop of Matrega by Pope Clement VI. John of Zichia became one of the most prominent religious figures of the period.^[56]

Despite these high-level conversions, Catholicism failed to secure a popular footing. The absence of liturgical or educational translations in the Circassian language rendered Latin services entirely alien to the general populace, who merely adopted outward legal ceremonies without converting in substance. By the mid-14th century, a parallel Catholic diocese emerged at the Genoese colony of Matrega (modern Taman). Its bishop, consecrated in 1349 as John, was of native Circassian origin, having risen from slavery to purchase his freedom; tracking data for this diocese ceases after his death in 1376. From 1419 until 1482, Matrega was governed autonomously by the Genoese-Circassian Ghisolfi family. The ultimate collapse of Catholic missionary efforts is widely attributed to the high-handed, forceful methods sometimes deployed by Genoese authorities to impose religious conformity, which sparked recurring, violent backlashes among the native population.^[40]

As a result of the Catholic Church's missionary work, a Catholic Circassian community, referred to as Frenkkardashi [ru] "Frank Brother" in Italian sources, emerged.^[57] The Genoese also played an active role in spreading Catholicism among the Circassians.^[42] In 1320, Pope John XXII strengthened the Catholic presence in the region by opening a cathedral in the city of Caffa.^[43]

According to a Circassian legend, Circassian prince Inal the Blind gave his daughter to the Genoese leader in exchange for the Catholics leaving Circassia.^[58] By 1439, two Catholic bishops and one archbishop were recorded as serving on the Taman Peninsula of Circassia.^[43]

The decline of Christianity

Despite all these developments, Christianity never truly took root among the Circassian people. It merged with local pagan beliefs, transforming into a semi-pagan, semi-Christian faith. The Virgin Mary was considered both the Mother of God and the Goddess of Bees, while Jesus was identified with Thashkho, the Circassian chief deity.^[10]

Following the Mongol invasions and Timur's campaigns, connections with the main churches in Circassia were severed, and bishoprics gradually disappeared.^[59] With the outbreak of the Russo-Circassian War, Christianity began to be perceived by the Circassians as the "religion of the Russians."^[5] As a result, those who maintained their Christian faith gradually abandoned their faith and Christianity began to face severe public backlash.^[5][10][24] The last traces of Christianity in Circassia survived until the 1830s.^[46]

Early periods

The only Abrahamic religion that remained enduring among the Circassians was Islam.^[10] A small Muslim community had existed in Circassia since the Middle Ages. In 815, two Arab da'is, Abu Iskhaq and Muhammad Kindi, came to Circassia to spread Islam; as a result of these activities, a small number of Circassians converted to Islam.^[5][61]

In 1382, Barquq, a Circassian of slave origin in Egypt, seized power and declared himself sultan.^[62] During this period, the state became known as the "State of the Circassians" (Arabic: دولة الجراكسة). Although the majority of Circassians were not yet Muslim at the time, the Circassian Mamluks in Egypt were, and throughout the Mamluk sultanate, they strove to spread Islam in Circassia.^[5]

With the conquest of Constantinople in 1453, Mehmed II severed the Circassians' ties with the Orthodox world, paving the way for their conversion to Islam.^[5] Following this event, Islam gradually began to spread among the Circassians.^[63] With the Ottomans' elimination of the Genoese remnants, Circassia's relationship with the Catholic world also ended.^[5] According to historian Tursun Beg, the Ottomans' primary goal in this policy was to strengthen Islam among the Circassians.^[5][64]

With the conquest of Trebizond in 1461, Ottoman influence extended to Circassia, and many Circassian aristocrats embraced Sunni Islam.^[42] However, even by the 16th century, Muslims were a minority in Circassia; most of the population still practiced Christianity or traditional pagan beliefs.

Conversion to Islam

The Kabardian Circassians had long been under Muslim influence from Dagestan and were therefore the first Circassian community to embrace Islam.^[5] In 1570, some Kabardian aristocrats converted to Islam under the influence of the Tatars;^[42] in 1578, the Grand Prince of Kabardia officially converted. Remains of mosques from this period survive to this day.^[5]

In Western Circassia, Islam entered Circassian culture not directly, but through stories and folk tales.^[42] Ceremonies celebrating the birth of the Islamic prophet Muhammad gradually became common among the people. Following the Kabardians, the Hatuqay, Zhaney, Barakay (an Abazin tribe), and Besleney tribes also converted to Islam.^[5]

Evliya Çelebi, who visited Circassia in 1666, wrote that mosques existed in the villages and that the people chanted "la ilahe illallah" (There is no god but Allah), but they failed to fully grasp Islam and continued their old traditions.^[5][15] During the same period, Katip Çelebi stated that some Circassians were Muslim, while others were still considered "infidels".^[65] It is also known that a very small Shia community existed due to Iranian influence.^[42]

In the 17th century, Christianity had largely lost its influence among the Circassians, and Islam was spreading superficially and slowly, intertwined with paganism.^[43]

In the 17th century, Giovanni Luca wrote about the religion of the Circassians:^[66]

...Some are followers of the religion of Muhammad, others practice the Byzantine Rite (Orthodox Christianity), but the first one is more numerous...

In 1717, Crimean Khan Devlet III Giray issued an edict ordering the killing of Christian priests in the region and the burning of religious books.^[46] By the late 18th century, Islam began to spread more rapidly among the Circassians.^[67]

During this period, the Abzakh Circassians first converted to Islam. The Shapsugs, disturbed by the Abzakh's conversion to Islam, fought against them, but by the 1730s, the Shapsugs had also converted.^[5] Then, the Natukhajs, resenting the Shapsugs' conversion to Islam, declared them traitors and declared war on them.^[68] Nevertheless, the Natukhaj eventually started to embrace Islam^[5] and even emblazoned the name of Muhammad on their flag in the 19th century.^[69]

While Islam slowly took root in the coastal regions, the people maintained their old beliefs and traditions for a time.^[44] Among the Circassian principalities in the Kuban basin, Islam was much more established, although some of the old customs were preserved.^[44] In 1737, Jabagh Qazanoqo was appointed chief judge of Kabarda and reformed the justice system, incorporating Quranic principles into the Adyghe Khabze.^[70]

In 1779, with the encouragement of Ferah Ali Pasha, 85 new mosques were built in Circassia.^[5] Then, in 1785, Sheikh Mansur arrived in the region and led the Circassians in attacks against Russian forces. His call led many Circassians to convert to Islam. However, Sheikh Mansur was later captured by the Russians and imprisoned in the Shlisselburg Fortress, where he spent the rest of his life.^[71][72]

The activities of wandering Sufis and the threat of invasion from Russia further accelerated the Islamization process in Circassia.^{[5][65][73][74]} Circassian scholars who grew up in Ottoman lands also played a significant role in this process.^[7] Taitbout de Marigny, who visited the region in the 1820s, reported that the Circassians were predominantly Muslim, but they also respected the symbol of the Cross.^[10]

Karl Heinrich Koch, who visited Circassia in the first half of the 19th century, described the religious beliefs of the Circassians:^[7]

...It was possible for three different faiths to coexist simultaneously within a Circassian family. The grandfather might worship natural forces and sacred trees, while the father might embrace Christianity and the son might become Muslim. Most strikingly, there was no conflict or disagreement between these different faiths...

Throughout the 19th century, the vast majority of Circassians were Muslim.^[42] In 1826, Islam was declared the official religion of all Circassia.^[5] That same year, Hasan Pasha abolished the privileges granted to the nobles of the Natukhai, Shapsugh, and Abzakh tribes.^[43] Circassian ethnographer Sultan Khan-Giray wrote in 1830:

The only religion of the Circassians is Islam, which adheres to the Sunni sect. Their warlike lifestyle causes them to disregard the rules of their religion. Despite this, many are ready to defend even the slightest insult to their faith at the risk of their lives. I have frequently encountered among them individuals so fanatical in religious matters that they surpass even the Turks and who meticulously follow the teachings of their clergy.

The clergy did not form a powerful class in Circassia. James Bell, who spoke with a Circassian about religion, wrote the following about the Circassians' faith:^[24]

...When speaking about their current religious system, the Circassian mentioned the four authoritative books on which the religion is founded: the Bible, especially, as far as I could understand, part of the Old Testament; the Psalms of David; the Evangelist books (Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John); and the Quran. However, he argued that Muhammad's revelation was more worthy of respect than that of Jesus, as it was received directly from God Himself.

In the mid-19th century, Circassians began writing in the Arabic alphabet and using Muslim names; Arabic words began to enter the language. Islam in Circassia challenged the established nobility and strengthened the lower classes' demand for equality. According to James Bell, the lower classes strove for equality in accordance with the rules prescribed by the Quran.^[24] The aim of the rising Sharia movement during this period was to abolish nobility and slavery and to unite all social segments against Russian occupation. The movement was led by clergy and Circassian leaders; later, three representatives of Imam Shamil also tried to achieve this goal.^[75]

By 1837, those who defected to the Russian side were declared traitors in Friday sermons.^[5] In 1840, the non-Muslim Circassian minority also offered mass Shahada under the rule of Naib Muhammad Amin.^[76] During the same period, Seferbiy Zaneqo declared in a letter to the Russian Tsar that the Circassians "from youngest to oldest had become Muslims."^[5]

In 1841, a large meeting was held on the Pshekh River; these meetings were held regularly to decide on matters concerning the country. At the 1841 meeting, a contract, known as "the defter," was adopted with the approval of all Circassian leaders without exception. The first article of the contract read:^[77]

Our first duty is the strict implementation of the Sharia. Any teachings contrary to it must be abandoned and rejected, and all crimes must be judged solely according to the Quran.

With the assumption of power in Circassia by Imam Shamil's viceroy, Muhammad Amin Asiyalav, the integration of Islam among the Circassians accelerated, and the implementation of Sharia law began. Although many Circassians were happy to be freed from what they considered an oppressive government after Muhammad Amin's surrender to the Russians, his reign can be said to have been extremely influential in the establishment of Islam among the Circassians.^[78]

By the end of the war, the process of Islamization had become so complete that the Circassians who managed to reach the Ottoman Empire during the Circassian genocide chanted takbir in gratitude for the end of their journey.^[78]

Historically, "traditional Islam" in Circassia, Sunni Islam of the Hanafi school, accommodated the rules of Adyghe Khabze, allowing customary laws to regulate communal life, social behavior, and conflict resolution alongside religious practices.^[79][80] Being a good Muslim (Adyghe: Быслъымэныгъэ; Kabardian: Муслъымэныгъэ) involved following Khabze in addition to knowledge of the Quran and observance of Islamic rituals. Those who embodied this synthesis were considered the cultured, pious elite of society. This principle gave birth to the creed "The Creator is in heaven and the Adygaghe granted by Him is on earth".^[81]

However, following the collapse of the Soviet Union, the region experienced a surge of foreign Islamic influences, including Salafism (often referred to locally as Wahhabism), a reformist movement seeking to "purify" the Islamic faith.^[82][83] Unlike traditional Sunni Islam, Salafism was hostile towards Khabze, viewing the historical co-existence of Islam and Khabze as a deviation from the faith.^[79] The Salafi movement sought to operate as a universalist project that actively strips Islam of any ethnic or local content.^[84] Consequently, Salafis rejected the customary laws of Khabze and demanded the eradication of local norms, leading to hostility between believers of "traditional Islam" and "Salafi Islam".^[83] The Salafi movement declared adherents of traditional Islam as infidels (takfir).^[79] In response, Islamic scholars and chief spiritual officiers of the Caucasus region defended "traditional Islam" and its coexistence with local customs against the Salafi movement.^[79][85] In some cases, the tension between the two parties has escalated into factional violence, particularly in Kabardino-Balkaria. Folk leaders advocating for Khabze traditions have been assassinated.^[86] The Salafi movement also asassinated Islamic scholars who defended "Traditional Islam", such as the deputy mufti of Dagestan, Ahmad Tagayev, the rector of the Islamic institute in Cherkessk, Ismail Bostanov, rector of the Islamic University of the North Caucasus, Maksid Sadikov, as well as the mufti of Kabadino-Balkaria, Anas Pshikhachev.^[87][88] Pshikhachev was known for defending traditional Sunni Islam and accusing the Salafis of being deviants, serving as the leader of the traditional movement.^[85][89] Despite the tensions, Salafis remain a small minority among the Muslims of the Caucasus.^[90][82][91] The local clergy has also declared their adherence to "traditional Islam" and their strong opposition to "untraditional" Salafi Islam.^[88]

One of the most important Islamic texts in the Adyghe language is the Adyghe Mawlid, a translation of Süleyman Çelebi's Ottoman Turkish text, "Vesîletü'n-Necât". This translation was undertaken by the Circassian scholar Abdurrahman Efendi. The Adyghe Mawlid is written in the Shapsug dialect, with a very large number of Arabic, Turkish Persian loanwords. The original publication utilized a modified Arabic/Ottoman alphabet, incorporating specialized marks and letters to represent unique Circassian phonemes that do not exist in standard Ottoman Turkish. Poetically, the translation remains highly faithful to Süleyman Çelebi's original structure. It consists of 1,034 lines (517 couplets) and strictly adheres to the classical remel meter (fâilâtun fâilâtun fâilun). The text is recited in Circassian villages to this day. A section:^[92]