Oil wells on Lake MaracaiboPetroluem fields, pipelines, and refineries in Venezuela (1972)
The petroleum industry in Venezuela accounts for 15% of its GDP and 37% of its domestic energy consumption.[1][2]
Venezuela's oil exports also account for 80% of its total export revenue.[2]
By 1950, it had a GDP per capita of $5,550,[a] the third highest in Latin America. This was in comparison to other Latin colonies that were significantly more impoverished, like Brazil ($1,850) or Guatemala ($2,040).[3]
Discovery
Oil drilling station on Lake Maracaibo
Oil was first discovered in the Maracaibo Basin of Zulia in 1914.[4] The first Venezuelan oil well, Zumaque I, was located in Mene Grande, Zulia.[5]
In 1922, the Barroso II oil well exploded in Zulia state, causing a million barrels of crude oil to burst out of the ground. This was when its promise as an oil-rich country was noticed.[6]
Foreign involvement
In the first decades after oil began to be exploited, foreign companies controlled production, infrastructure, and commercialization. One of the most important was Creole Petroleum Corporation, a subsidiary of Standard Oil, which came to control a substantial share of national production.
In 1960, Venezuela was one of the five founding countries of the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries, or OPEC, along with Saudi Arabia, Iran, Iraq, and Kuwait. Despite this leadership role, foreign companies continued to dominate the industry until nationalization in 1976.
In August 1971, under the presidency of Rafael Caldera, a law was passed that nationalized the country's natural gas industry, foreshadowing the broader oil nationalization to come.
Nationalization (1976)
The announcement occurred at the Mene Grande oilfield in Zulia. The transition to the oil industry being run by the state went well. Large American and other foreign companies invested in the country and were also hired by PDVSA for their expertise. Pérez allowed PDVSA to partner with foreign oil companies as long as it held 60% equity in joint ventures, along with other constraints.
During the 1980s, global oil prices plummeted. As global oil prices plummeted in the 1980s, Venezuela's economy contracted and inflation soared; at the same time, it accrued massive foreign debt by purchasing foreign refineries, such as Citgo in the United States.
Chávez administration
Hugo Chávez was elected president in 1998 running on a socialist platform. He promised to use the country's oil wealth to reduce poverty in Venezuela, a serious problem at the time.
In 2002, many PDVSA employees went on strike against Chávez, who responsed by firing 19,000 workers from the company. This decision was later criticized, as it removed much of the company's technical expertise.
In 2005, Chávez began to provide subsidized oil to several countries in the region, including Cuba, with Petrocaribe being created later.
In 2007, the government decreed that PDVSA must hold at least a 60% stake in all heavy crude projects in the Orinoco Belt, forcing foreign companies to accept new contractual conditions or leave the country. As a result, ExxonMobil and ConocoPhillips withdrew from Venezuela.
In mid-2014, global oil prices tumbled and Venezuela's economy went into free fall. Since 2014, oil production in Venezuela has suffered from a poor oil market and Venezuela's insufficient funding of the industry.
In 2016, the oil production reached the lowest it had been in 23 years. The decline continued through subsequent years, with production hitting historic lows during the COVID-19 pandemic.
In January 2026, the Trump administration stated that it would fix Venezuelas oil industry while the U.S. was engaging in Operation Southern Spear. Maduro was captured in Caracas and taken to the U.S. on 3 January 2026.
Venezuela produces over 900,000 barrels of oil per day and has an estimated 303 billion barrels of proven oil reserves. These reserves account for roughly 17% of the global total, with most concentrated in the Orinoco Belt, where deposits are predominantly heavy crude. There is doubt about the reliability of this figure however, as it is self-reported and not verified by OPEC or another international organization.
Production
At its peak in the 1970s, Venezuela's oil production reached 3.5 million barrels of crude oil per day. By contrast, Venezuela crude oil production was reported at 896,000 barrels per day in December 2025.
Venezuela's oil is abundant but it is known for being more expensive to extract from the ground than oil from the Persian Gulf, which lowers its profitability. The oil being heavy crude means special refineries are needed.
Petróleos de Venezuela
In 1986, PDVSA bought 50% of the United States gasoline brand Citgo from Southland Corporation and in 1990 the remaining half. This gave Venezuela a significant presence in the U.S. market.
PDVSA has not regularly disclosed its financial performance since 2014 and provides extremely limited public information, having not published annual reports or other documentation to improve transparency and corporate governance since 2016.
In 2023, Venezuela's oil exports totaled just $4.05 billion—dwarfed by Saudi Arabia's $181 billion and the U.S.'s $125 billion.
Most of Venezuela's modest oil production goes to China, an ally of the Maduro regime and major investor in the region, with Venezuela currently paying down an estimated $10-billion debt to China, covered in part by oil exports.
The United States bought about 23% of Venezuela's oil in 2023, but data shows that the U.S. didn't buy any in 2020 and 2021.
US involvement and sanctions
The United States has been involved in the Venezuelan oil industry.
has been imposing sanctions on Venezuela in some capacity since 2006, although full sanctions against petroleum trade itself did not occur until much later. For almost two decades, Washington has imposed sweeping sanctions against Caracas, the most significant of which have blocked oil imports from PDVSA and prevented the government from accessing the U.S. financial system.
To return Venezuela to its production highs of the early 2000s of around 3 million barrels per day would likely take around $180 billion in extra funding between now and 2040, according to energy intelligence firm Rystad Energy.
Corruption, mismanagement, brain drain, and a lack of repair and upkeep work on critical infrastructure, including throughout Venezuela's flagship Orinoco Heavy Oil Belt, have made operating without significant investment nearly impossible.
"Venezuela Energy Information". enerdata.com.
Venezuela has the world's largest proven oil reserves at 304 billion barrels, however the country is ranked 18th in petroleum production due to its lower ability to extract it compared to other oil-rich nations.
In 2024, it was producing about 960,000 barrels of crude per day. The state-owned Petróleos de Venezuela corporation (PDVSA) has dominated the sector since it was founded in 1976, with the nationalization of the Venezuelan petroleum industry.
Caracas Chronicles - "The Theft That Never Was: Inside Venezuela's 1976 Oil Takeover"
Visual Capitalist - "How Venezuela's Oil Reserves Compare to the Rest of the World"
2025 Totonicapán bus crash
On 27 December 2025, an intercity bus fell into a ravine on the Inter-American Highway in Guatemala, killing 16 and injuring 26 people. The bus was on a route coming from Guatemala City.
Background
Typical street in Totonicapán
Road accidents are common in Guatemala, as the country is mountainous and road infrastructure is less developed than in other places. The Central American volcanic arc specifically the Sierra Madre de Chiapas crosses over much of the central and southern part of the country, and forms the Guatemalan Highlands. As such, it has a high rate of traffic fatalities relative to miles driven. Accidents of this kind tend to be more fatal compared to collisions as well. Totonicapán is located at a very high elevation, at almost 2,500 metres (8,200ft).
The Inter-American Highway is another name for the portion of the Pan-American Highway within Central America. Chicken buses regularly use the highway, as many citizens do not own their own form of motor transportation. The road connects Totonicapán to nearby cities like Quetzaltenango (27km (17mi) away) and Santa Cruz del Quiché. Highways in Guatemala are typically named after a department and a number, for example QUI-4. The Inter-American Highway passes through the center of Totonicapán.
Accident
Authorities took more than two hours to rescue the injured and remove the bodies of those who died.
Bernardo Arévalo, the president of Guatemala, expressed his lament for the accident via X and declared three days of national mourning.
Ismael Zambada Sicairos (born 1982) is a Mexican drug trafficker and high-ranking member of the Sinaloa Cartel. He is the son of Ismael "El Mayo" Zambada García, one of the cartel's most powerful leaders. Zambada Sicairos, known as El Mayito Flaco, has been implicated in international drug trafficking operations, particularly in the United States and Mexico. He has remained a key figure within the cartel’s internal power struggles and is wanted by U.S. authorities for his role in large-scale narcotics distribution.
Early life
Ismael Zambada Sicairos was born in 1982 in Sinaloa, Mexico, into a family deeply entrenched in the drug trade. His father, El Mayo Zambada, has been a dominant force in the Sinaloa Cartel for decades, working alongside or in competition with figures like Joaquín "El Chapo" Guzmán.
Growing up in this environment, Zambada Sicairos and his siblings were exposed to cartel operations from an early age. He eventually assumed responsibilities within the organization, playing a role in overseeing drug trafficking logistics, security, and cartel finances. His nickname, El Mayito Flaco ("The Skinny Little Mayo"), distinguishes him from his brother, Ismael Zambada Imperial ("El Mayito Gordo").
Criminal career
Zambada Sicairos is identified as a key player in the "Mayiza" faction, a branch of the Sinaloa Cartel led by his father. His specific responsibilities have included:
Money laundering – Managing cartel financial operations, including money laundering networks operating in Mexico and abroad.
Following the 2016 arrest and extradition of El Chapo Guzmán, tensions grew between factions within the Sinaloa Cartel. Zambada Sicairos has been involved in internal conflicts with Los Chapitos[es] (El Chapo's sons), who have sought to consolidate power.
Zambada Sicairos has been a fugitive wanted by U.S. authorities, particularly the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA). He has been indicted in the United States for conspiracy to distribute controlled substances.
2020 charges and DEA investigation
In 2020, U.S. authorities issued an arrest warrant for Zambada Sicairos on drug trafficking and money laundering charges. He has been linked to cocaine and fentanyl shipments that have entered the U.S. through traditional cartel routes, including through Arizona, Texas, and California.
Despite these charges, Zambada Sicairos has managed to evade capture, often moving between rural Sinaloa, Durango, and Mexico City, where cartel operatives protect him.
Recent developments
Arrest of El Mayo
In July 2024, Zambada García was arrested at the Doña Ana County International Jetport in Santa Teresa, New Mexico. Reports suggest that Joaquín Guzmán López, one of El Chapo's sons, tricked El Mayo into boarding a plane that led to his capture.
New leadership
Following his father's arrest, Zambada Sicairos assumed leadership of the Mayo faction of the Sinaloa Cartel. This marked a significant turning point, as he became one of the cartel's top figures. However, this transition fueled ongoing violence, particularly in Culiacán, where Los Chapitos and the Mayiza faction have engaged in violent clashes.
Personal life
Due to his involvement in organized crime, little is publicly known about Zambada Sicairos’ personal life. He is believed to have several properties across Mexico, particularly in Sinaloa and Baja California. Unlike some other cartel figures, he has maintained a relatively low profile, avoiding public appearances or social media exposure.
José María Guízar Valencia, also known by his alias Z-43, is a convicted Mexican criminal. He was the leader of the Zetas Vieja Escuela, a splinter group of Los Zetas active in Tamaulipas.
He was arrested in Mexico City in 2018, being one of the 122 "priority targets" wanted by the Mexican government. The United States had offered a $5 million reward for his capture.[3][4][5]
Biography
Guízar Valencia began his drug trafficking activities in 1998 in Michoacán.
José Crispín Salazar Zamorano, also known by his alias Don Adán, is the leader of the Los Salazar faction of the Gente Nueva criminal group in Sonora, also known as the Independent Cartel of Sonora.
Irving Eduardo Solano Vera
Irving Eduardo Solano Vera, also known as El Profe or El Gato, is the founder of Gente Nueva, known as the Cártel Independiente de Sonora ('Sonora Independent Cartel') since 2023.
El 9 de febrero de 2017, Juan Francisco Patrón Sánchez, alias "H2", fue abatido en un operativo realizado por personal de la Armada de México en Tepic, Nayarit junto a otros siete civiles armados, los cuales se presume que formaban parte de la misma organización delictiva.
Jesús Alfredo Beltrán Guzmán
Jesús Alfredo Beltrán Guzmán is a high-ranking member of the Beltrán-Leyva Cartel.
José Luis Gutiérrez Ochoa (also known as "El Tolín") is a Mexican criminal. He has been convicted of
Los Blancos de Troya
Los Blancos de Troya ('Trojan Targets') is a Mexican cartel that is one of the factions of the Cárteles Unidos. They are active in the Tierra Caliente of Michoacán as well as in Morelia.
El abatimiento de Oseguera Cervantes fue considerado por el gobierno de Estados Unidos como un "gran avance para el mundo" en la lucha contra el narcotráfico.[41] Funcionarios como el subsecretario de Estado Christopher Landau celebraron la operación, recordando que el gobierno estadounidense ofrecía una recompensa de hasta 15 millones de dólares por información que llevara a su captura[37][44]
Tras la muerte de "El Mencho", analistas en seguridad apuntaron a una posible lucha interna por el control de la organización o un intento de reconfiguración del mando del cártel, aunque las autoridades mexicanas se mantuvieron en alerta ante posibles repuntes de violencia derivados del vacío de poder.[40][43]
El 25 de enero de 2026, un grupo de hombres armados irrumpió en un campo de futbol y disparó contra 23 personas, resultando en 11 muertes y 12 heridos. La gobernadora de Guanajuato, Libia Dennise García Muñoz Ledo, anunció la reforzada seguridad en la región y la activación de un operativo conjunto con la Fiscalía General del Estado y fuerzas federales para atender a las víctimas y avanzar con la investigación. El alcalde de Salamanca, César Prieto, confirmó que 11 personas fallecieron en el lugar y 12 resultaron heridas, incluyendo una mujer y un menor de edad.
Planned attacks in Florida and Cuba (Washington DC not shown)
9-Methyl-β-carboline
Pharmacological effects
9-Me-BC is a known inhibitor of monoamine oxidase A and monoamine oxidase B, with IC50 values of 1 μM for MAO-A and 15.5 μM for MAO-B, suggesting that it is more selective for MAO-A like other beta-carbolines.[2]
Anehdonia
9-Me-BC has been used as an informal treatment of anhedonia, although it is not professionally prescribed for it.
Microsoft Designer is an AI based image creation and design app by Microsoft originally released as a Windows 11 app, as well as on iOS and Android[7]. It is now also available as a web app and can use AI to generate images, edit images, make graphic design projects and icons. It is available on the Microsoft Store for desktop users.
Most of the fighting took place in rural areas of the country, especially in the north and central highlands. According to records kept by the Contras, the departments with the most deaths were (in descending order): Jinotega, Matagalpa, Nueva Segovia, Chontales, and Zelaya[1]
The Contra War[a] was an armed conflict that took place from 1981 to 1990 in Nicaragua. The conflict started shortly after the Nicaraguan Revolution that led to the socialist Sandinista government ruling the country, and the various dissenting forces collectively known as the Contras.
The war took place within the broader context of the Cold War, drawing significant involvement from the United States, which provided financial, logistical, and covert military support to Contra factions. The conflict resulted in substantial military and civilian casualties, widespread displacement, and economic disruption, and concluded after negotiated peace agreements and national elections in 1990 that brought an opposition government to power.
Background
After the overthrow of the Somoza dictatorship in 1979, the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) established a revolutionary government that enacted widespread social and economic reforms. Opposition to Sandinista rule developed from former regime supporters, rural conservatives, and indigenous communities. Beginning in the early 1980s, several anti‑government groups coalesced under the umbrella term “Contras” and began armed resistance against the Sandinista government.[1]
The United States Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) was authorized by President Ronald Reagan to provide funding, training, and logistical support to Contra groups as part of a broader U.S. policy to counter perceived Soviet influence in Central America.[2]
Course of the conflict
The Contra War was primarily fought through guerrilla tactics by rebel forces, including ambushes, sabotage, and raids on government outposts. Sandinista forces responded with conventional military operations, conscripted troops, and militia units to defend territory, infrastructure, and population centers.[1]
Throughout the 1980s, the conflict drew international attention. In 1986, revelations about covert arms transfers from the United States to Contra forces, circumventing congressional restrictions, became central to the Iran–Contra affair.[3]
Tactics and strategy
Contra forces primarily used hit‑and‑run guerrilla tactics, focusing on disrupting Sandinista supply lines, attacking rural installations, and avoiding large‑scale engagements. The Sandinista government deployed conventional forces and militia units to secure towns, roads, and key infrastructure, often responding to rebel incursions with patrols and fortified defenses.[1]
Impact and casualties
Estimates vary widely, but thousands of combatants on both sides were killed or wounded during the conflict. Civilians were also affected through displacement, loss of livelihood, and damage to infrastructure. The war significantly disrupted Nicaragua’s economy and social structures, particularly in rural areas near the Honduran border.[1]
Resolution and peace
By the late 1980s, international pressure and war fatigue contributed to negotiations for a peace settlement. Regional leaders, i.ncluding Costa Rican President Óscar Arias, promoted peace plans aimed at ending hostilities in Central America. Although fighting continued sporadically, a negotiated settlement and the 1990 general elections led to the election of Violeta Barrios de Chamorro and the eventual demobilization of Contra forces.[1]
Legacy
The Contra War remains a subject of historical debate regarding foreign intervention, human rights, and national reconciliation. The conflict’s effects on Nicaragua’s political landscape persisted into subsequent decades, influencing the country’s democratic and social development.[1]
United States involvement
U.S. president Ronald Reagan took interest in the war from the very start, since his administration took office in 1981. Reagan was afraid that Nicaragua would turn into a "second Cuba", which by then was already under a communist government led by Fidel Castro for 16 years.[2]
Peace and aftermath
The Esquipulas Peace Agreement peace agreement was signed by both parties in Esquipulas, Guatemala. The agreement stipulated the demobilization of the Contras, ending the war.
Refugees and emigration
The agrarian reforms and nationalization of land by the Sandinista government led many plantation owners and farmers to leave the country. The most common countries for emigration were Costa Rica and the United States. The first wave of about 120,000 Nicaraguans entering the U.S. happened in the 1980s during the Sandinista government. Many of these people were middle-class or wealthy before the revolution. The second wave occured in early 1989, after Hurricane Joan caused upheaval in the country.
Contra War, an insurgency in the country (1981-1990)
Central American Crisis (edit)
Background
The causes of regional instability in Central America and the Caribbean are hard to ascertain, one proposed reason is that the two regions are split into many different countries; the Caribbean for its islands (the Antilles), and Central America for historical and political reasons that date from when it was a Spanish colony.
The Spanish colonial governments divided regions into captaincy generals and provinces, rather than separate states within one republic. This led to different regions developing identities as separate nations during the 16th-18th centuries. The various countries in South America were formed for similar reasons.
Groups in Mesoamerica & belowNicaragua is part of the 'intermediate area'
The area comprising modern-day Nicaragua has long been inhabited by various Indigenous groups.
The Pacific coast of Nicaragua was inhabited by groups like the Nicarao before the Spanish arrived. The areas further inland such as in Matagalpa Department were inhabited by other groups like the Cacaopera, and the areas in the east are inhabited by the Miskito people.
There are an estimated 450,000 Indigenous people living in Nicaragua today. The true number however is unknown, as the country does not collect ethnicity data in the census.
Regions
Pacific
The Gran Nicoya region, which consists of the Pacific coast and the Nicoya Peninsula in Costa Rica, is where the Nahua and Manguean groups lived.
This region (including El Salvador) is considered to be a part of Mesoamerica because some groups within it spoke a Nahua language, as well as the fact that they shared other cultural traits with Mesoamerica that were not equally shared by other groups in Central America.
One of these traits is agriculture (cultivation of maize).
They are sometimes categorized as being in a distinct Central American region.
They are geographically separated from the groups in Honduras by the Rio Coco and the groups in Costa Rica by the Rio San Juan. This may have led to Costa Rican groups developing differnet cultures and speaking Chibchan languages over time.
Highlands
Atlantic coast
Ethnic groups
Nicarao people
The Nahua-speaking Nicarao in the south (Rivas) and the Oto-Manguean speaking groups in the north had a long-standing enmity with each other.
Cacaopera people
The Cacaopera people are primarily located in the Matagalpa Department. This group spoke a Misumalpan language which is now extinct. The language is unrelated to the other languages spoken in Nicaragua, coming from a different language family.
It has been suggested that the Cacaopera lost their language due to suffering heavy casualties in the first century of Spanish rule. They are still the primary group in Matagalpa today.
The Spanish conquest of Nicaragua killed hundreds of thousands of Indigenous people in Nicaragua through violence and disease. Estimated vary from 300,000 to over 2 million people killed during the 16th century.
es:HelloTalk
HelloTalk es una aplicación de intercambio de idiomas lanzado en 2012. Fue creada por el desarrollador chino Zackery Ngai.
En diciembre de 2025, la plataforma ofrecía aprendizaje y comunicación en más de 260 idiomas. La aplicación está disponible para descargar en las tiendas de Android y Apple, y también se puede acceder a la plataforma a través de su sitio web.
Translations
Spanish to english
Revolución Liberal de 1871[es] - Liberal Revolution of 1871
From 1954 to 1986, Guatemala was under a series of military leaders.
Eraín Ríos Montt, who was president from 1982 to 1983, is regarded as the most egregious leader. Torture, murder, and other human rights abuses increased significantly during his administration, until he was deposed in a coup.
Operation Red Christmas was an operation undertaken by the Sandinista government of Nicaragua to relocate 42 Indigenous Miskito communities away from the Caribbean coast towards inland towns along the Coco River with Honduras, into new communities known as Tasba Pri (Free Land).
This operation was carried out in early 1982, at the outset of Contra actions against the Sandinista government, which were particularly intense in the northeastern region of the Caribbean (or Atlantic) coast.
Navidad Roja fue la operación de traslado de 42 comunidades de indígenas misquitos de la región nor-oriental de la Costa Caribe de Nicaragua desde la franja fronteriza del Río Coco con Honduras hacia el interior del país, a unas nuevas comunidades conocidas como Tasba Pri (Tierra Libre).[1] Esta operación se realizó a principios de 1982, en los inicios de las acciones de los Contras hacia el gobierno sandinista que fueron especialmente virulentas en la región nor-oriental de la costa caribeña o atlántica.
The Western Highlands are a region in Guatemala. It borders the state of Chiapas in Mexico. The region is almost identical to the Region VII or the northwest political region in Guatemala.
It was less historically relevant to the Maya civilization than areas to the north in the Yucatán and Petén, but after the Maya collapse ir rose in relevance, and today is majority Maya.
El 11(?) de octubre de 2024, 3 personas fueron victimadas en Barberena.[ref]. El video de la cámara de seguridad muestra a 2 hombres y mujeres jóvenes bebiendo y platicando casualmente, cuando 2 asaltantes entran al bar y comienzan disparándoles. Una persona sobrevivió escondiéndose debajo de un taburete, los demás no sobrevivieron. Se dice que una mujer era conocido como «La Diabla» en línea.
Después, se informó que las víctimas estaban descansando en el bar mientras su viaje hacia vecino El Salvador. El crimen ocurrió alrededor de las 4 PM.
La mayor violencia en Santa Rosa como este crimen, puede ser debido a su proximidad a El Salvador.[ref]
Alta Verapaz
Alta Verapaz is heavily indigenous and primarily populated by the Qʼeqchiʼ Mayan people. The 2018 census recorded 93% of the department's population as belonging to an indigenous group and 80% as belonging to the Qʼeqchiʼ Maya.
HelloTalk
Criticism
HelloTalk has been criticized for its use as a dating app. This has attracted controversy both within the community and in other online forums. Although its gial is to facilitate language learning. the app is ptimarily centered on its chat feature. Some people claim they started romantic relationships through using the app, usually long-distance relationships.
The company has been criticized for encouraging ita use in this way. through prominently featuring lartners of the opposite gender more often, as well as notifications in this vein. Peoplr have critized that HelloTalk no longer primarily focuses on improving language skills.
Reports that users of the app quickly ask language partners for their WhatsApp account raizes further concern over it being abused as a dating app. While HelloTalk aims to connect casual language partners{REF!
}from different countries, WhatsApp focuses on being an instant messaging app primarily used for communication between friends and family. Users who ask their partners to switch to WhatsApp rather than practice second language acquisition have been targeted by criticism as well. HelloTlak has not released any data about the gender of its users as of December 2025{check)
Intendacy of Valladolid
Quick facts Intendancy of ValladolidIntendencia de Valladolid de Michoacán, Capital ...
The term is especially used in Guatemala in place of mestizo, possibly because mixed-race people in Guatemala have more indigenous ancestry than in other parts of the Americas.[4]
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The Guatemalan Star
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Guatemala
Western and Central highlands are heavily Maya
Economic regions of Guatemala
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Querétaro City, the capital
San Juan del Río, the second largest
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