Women in governments of Israel
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Since the founding of the State of Israel, relatively few women have served in the Israeli government, and fewer still have served in the leading ministerial offices. While Israel is one of a small number of countries where a woman—Golda Meir—has served as Prime Minister, it is behind most Western countries in the representation of women in both the parliament and government.
As of 2019[update], women comprise 25% of Israel's 120-member Knesset.[1] For comparison, the female ratio in the Arab world is 18.7%, in Europe the average is 26.5% and in Scandinavia 42.3%.[2] In the United States of America, women comprise 19.3% of the House of Representatives. Female representation varies significantly by demographics: most female politicians have represented secular parties, while very few have come from Arab or religious Jewish parties.[3][4] While Labor's quota for female representatives on party lists has traditionally meant that most female representatives came from that party, since 2000 the role of women in other parties has also grown.[5]
Gender roles tend to influence both the positions which women in government receive and the bills which female representatives introduce.[6] Due to the religious nature of the state, traditional gender roles, and political selection processes female politicians face different obstacles on their path to government than their male counterparts.[7][8]
The list is updated to 2023.
Women in the leading jobs in the government
Golda Meir is the only woman to serve as the Prime Minister of Israel. She was chosen for the job just before the 1969 elections following the death of Levi Eshkol, and ended her job in 1974. Until 1974, Meir was also the only woman to serve as a member of any cabinet.[9] She and Tzipi Livni are the only women who served as Foreign Affairs Ministers, Meir having served in the job for 10 years—from 1956 to 1966. Livni is the only woman to serve in the second most important job in the Israeli government, Vice Prime Minister.
Once Golda Meir resigned in 1974, it was another 12 years until another woman was appointed as a minister with a portfolio, when Shoshana Arbeli-Almozlino was appointed Health Minister, and 18 years until a woman was appointed to any other portfolio, Education Minister.
After Golda Meir, the leading jobs which women held are as follows: Education Minister for a total of 9 years (5 of them by Limor Livnat, 3 years by Yuli Tamir and 1 year by Shulamit Aloni), and Minister of Communications, also for a total of 7 years (6 years by Shulamit Aloni and Limor Livnat, and 1 year by Dalia Itzik). Tzipi Livni was acting Minister of Justice for a month, and then Minister of Justice for almost a year and a half. Ayelet Shaked was appointed as Minister of Justice in 2015.
Although a few women did succeed in reaching the leading posts in the Israeli government, a number of them hadn't ever been held by women, such as Defense Minister, Internal Security Minister, Finance Minister. As of 2013, there had only been 14 female ministers in any position. Further, throughout Israel's history there has never been a female president.[9] Colette Avita was considered to have the potential to be elected to the position in 2007, but she failed to gain the votes to beat her opponents Shimon Peres and Reuven Rivlin.[9]
Influence of gender roles on female representatives
While in the Knesset and government, women have been shown to introduce bills and to work on issue areas that are different from their male colleagues.[6] A study conducted by Reut Itzkovitch-Malka and Chen Friedberg found a gender division in the bills introduced, with bills proposed by women more often centered on issues involving the family or women's rights as opposed to defense and national security, areas in which women tend to be less involved than their male counterparts.[6] Itzkovitch-Malka and Friedberg state that this divide may exist because women are excluded from these issues and pushed toward issues more suited to traditional gender roles, or because women in government and the Knesset attempt to use these traditional roles to gain influence in areas of interest for their constituents.[6] Additionally, in the governments themselves, women have often been appointed as cabinet ministers in positions that follow the ideology of traditional female roles.[6] The ministries of Education and Communications have both been led by female ministers, and are seen as an area in which it is more acceptable for women to participate and a ministry of secondary importance respectively.[5]
Women who wish to be representatives or play other public roles are also constrained by the religious nature of the State of Israel. Religious traditions dictate that women should have limited roles in the public sphere, thus women who wish to be elected face a different set of obstacles than their male counterparts, especially if they are running as part of a religious party.[7] For example, when Aliza Bloch was running for mayor of Beit Shemesh in 2018, she refrained from using images of herself on campaign posters in order to avoid alienating religious voters. Bloch won this election, but only due to a unique coalition of support including secular, orthodox and ultra-Orthodox voters along with soldiers from the area. Bloch's efforts to avoid alienation of the religious vote point to the problems specific to female politicians.[10]
Quotas and political selection processes
The Labor party has a 20 percent quota on the number of women it puts on its list, while other parties such as the Likud do not have formal quotas and do not ensure places for women on electoral lists.[8] Before 1989, the common practice in the Labor party was that a woman had to be included in the first five people on a list, and another had to be included within the first ten people.[8] The effects of this quota and policy are disputed. First, the quota is potentially the reason why most of the female representatives in the Knesset were from the Labor party prior to the 2000s.[8] Over time the proportion of women in the Knesset from the Labor party has declined while representation from other parties has increased.[8] Herzog argues that this minimum quota is not only very low compared to population, but also that once it is met there is little incentive for more women to be included on the list of candidates. Further, Herzog contends that this quota causes women to compete with each other over these limited spots, rather than fighting for inclusion on the list.[11] Despite disagreements over the efficacy of the quota system in promoting the representation of women on party lists, organized processes of candidate selection benefit women more than processes of selection which are less explicitly defined. This is because men tend to have larger political networks than women, and thus can influence the selection process when it is less formalized.[9]
