Criticism of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party

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The Sheaf of Paddy, election symbol of Bangladesh Nationalist Party

Public criticisms of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (popularly abbreviated as BNP) include the Chatra Dal, the Jubodal, the Swechhasebak Dal, etc., as well as other bodies with which BNP is overtly or allegedly involved, when they were in power or not.[1] Notable examples include the Death of Sabekun Nahar Sonny, the Zia Charitable Trust corruption case, the Killing of Lal Chand Sohag, the Killing of Moin Hossain Raju,[2] the 2004 arms and ammunition haul in Chittagong, the Hawa Bhaban, the 2002 Police raid Shamsunnahar Hall, the 2004 Dhaka grenade attack, the 2005 Bangladesh bombings, the Indemnity Ordinance, 1975, etc.[3][4][5][6][7]

On 15 August 1975, the 'Indemnity Ordinance' was issued to block the trial for the assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman,[8] which was later legalized through the Fifth Amendment to the Constitution of Bangladesh during the BNP's rule in 1979.[9] This is identified as the primary reason for the creation of a culture of impunity.[10][11][12] In 2010, the Supreme Court of Bangladesh declared this amendment illegal.[13]

Allegations of corruption and nepotism

During the tenures of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), particularly from 1991 to 1996 and 2001 to 2006 under the leadership of Khaleda Zia, various allegations of corruption emerged. These included accusations of embezzling funds through charitable trusts and government contracts, several of which were later subject to legal proceedings. In August 2011, the Anti-Corruption Commission filed the Zia Charitable Trust corruption case, accusing Khaleda Zia and her associates of converting approximately BDT 21.4 million (around US$250,000 at the time)—allocated for a trust intended for orphans and the poor—into personal assets, including the purchase of land for party activities. She was convicted in this case in 2018 and sentenced to five years in prison; however, the High Court acquitted her in 2024.[14][15][16] Similarly, in a case filed in 2008 involving the unauthorized expenditure of BDT 31.5 million from the Zia Orphanage Trust, Khaleda Zia was sentenced to 10 years in prison in 2016. This conviction was overturned by the Supreme Court in January 2025, clearing her of the remaining corruption charges and paving the way for her participation in elections. BNP leaders have consistently described these legal proceedings as politically motivated trials orchestrated by the rival Awami League government.[17][18] Additional allegations were leveled regarding corruption in infrastructure and procurement contracts during the 2001–2006 term. For instance, the Gatco graft case was filed in September 2007 against Khaleda Zia and 14 others, alleging a loss of BDT 1.45 billion to the state through tender manipulation in gas infrastructure contracts to benefit allies. Although these investigations began during the military-backed caretaker government in 2007, they yielded mixed judicial results amid claims of weak evidence.[19][20][21] Bangladesh's low standing during the BNP administration was reflected in Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index. In 2001, the score was 15 out of 100, which improved slightly to 26 by 2006. While structural corruption has been attributed to 'elite capture' by all major parties, specific scandals associated with the BNP reinforced perceptions of nepotism in the distribution of state resources.[22] It has been alleged that during the BNP regime, patronage networks were established to consolidate party loyalty through the appointment of family members and associates to key government positions.[23][24][25]

Killing of Moin Hossain Raju

On 13 March 1992, Moin Hossain Raju, a leader of the Bangladesh Students' Union, was killed during a gunfight between the Chatra Dal and the Chhatra League during an anti-terrorism procession on the University of Dhaka campus.[26] Following the incident, Ruhin Hossain Prince, the then leader of the Students' Union, filed a case at Shahbagh Thana based on eyewitness accounts, naming several top leaders of the Chhatra Dal, the student wing of the then-ruling BNP, as accused.[27]

Tarique Rahman and the electric pole corruption allegations

In a report published by Time magazine in January 2026, it was noted that to many Bangladeshis, Tarique Rahman, the son of BNP politician Ziaur Rahman, is still mockingly referred to as "Khamba Tarique" (Pillar Tarique). This nickname stems from an alleged corruption scandal originating from the 2001–2006 BNP administration, which was later highlighted during the Awami League's tenure. The allegations suggest that thousands of electric poles (locally known as khambas) were purchased at inflated prices from an associate but were never connected to the national grid. While Rahman has consistently denied any wrongdoing, a leaked 2008 U.S. diplomatic cable described him as a "symbol of kleptocratic government and violent politics," noting his notoriety for "brazenly and frequently demanding bribes."[28]

Hawa Bhaban

The political office of the BNP Chairperson and the so-called command center, known as Hawa Bhaban, became controversial during the 2006–2008 political crisis.[29] It was alleged to have functioned as an "alternative center of power" under Tarique Rahman, the then Senior Joint Secretary General of the party and son of Chairperson Khaleda Zia.[29][30][31]

Killing of Lal Chand Sohag

On 9 July 2025, a scrap metal dealer named Lal Chand alias Sohag was brutally murdered at Mitford Hospital in Dhaka, Bangladesh. A video of the incident was widely circulated on social media,[32] which showed the attackers stripping Sohag, stabbing him, throwing stones at him, and trampling his body.[33] The attackers were reportedly affiliated with the BNP's youth and student wings: Chatra Dal, Jubodal and Swechhasebak Dal.[34] The incident occurred in broad daylight and sparked widespread public outrage.[35] In response, law enforcement authorities arrested seven suspects in connection with the case.[36] Following nationwide criticism and protests, the BNP expelled five of its members for their alleged involvement in the incident.[37]

Allegations of rigging and criticism regarding the 2026 elections

Although the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) secured an absolute majority in the 13th National Parliamentary Election, held on 12 February 2026, the transparency of the election sparked significant political debate.[38] On the afternoon of election day, the main rival party, Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, and the newly formed National Citizen's Party (NCP) held separate press conferences alleging "election engineering" in specific constituencies.[39] Allegations surfaced that administrative influence was exerted in some districts to force presiding officers to sign result sheets in advance. Instances of recovering "pre-stamped ballot papers" in several centers across the Jhenaidah and Comilla regions caused a stir in the national media.[40] While the Election Commission described these as isolated incidents and the Asian Network for Free Elections (ANFREL) deemed the election generally acceptable, opposition parties continued to criticize the polls as an "election of administrative rigging."[38]

Support for non-sale of beef in Kurigram due to pressure from Hindus

​The role of the local BNP leadership came under criticism in 2026 for banning the sale of beef in a local market in Nageshwari upazila of Kurigram. It was alleged that local BNP leaders applied administrative pressure to maintain an unwritten ban on cow slaughter that had been in place since the Awami League era at Daknirpath Bazar in Bhitarband Union of the upazila. It was alleged that Golam Rasul Raja, the convener of Nageshwari upazila BNP, publicly ordered the non-sale of beef in the market in the name of peace and order, calling it a "party decision". The incident was discussed as a violation of religious freedom and civil rights. Critics claimed that despite a large portion of the population being Muslims, their right to choose their food was curtailed due to political influence. Although BNP leaders claim it as an attempt to prevent communal riots, at the local level it is criticized as an example of political and religious polarization and creating suffering for the common people.[41]

Student wing violence and institutional criticism

See also

References

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